If anyone is having trouble getting on site with BrooklynIrish.com, it will also be on BrooklynIrish.net. Note Net not Com, it may not happen for a month but as of now both are working. Sorry for the inconvience
Posted by Jim on February 18, 2017
Wednesday, February 22, 2017
Posted by Jim on February 18, 2017
Posted by Jim on
Posted by Jim on February 17, 2017
One of 14 Irish nationalists tortured during internment was bitten by a
British soldier’s dog and forced to drink from the animal’s dish, the
High Court heard this week.
School caretaker Sean McKenna was also slammed into concrete posts and
dragged through streets barefoot after being taken from his Newry home
in August 1971, it was revealed.
Lawyers for his daughter argued that the interrogation techniques
“ruined” him and worsened a heart condition that led his death four
years later at the age of 45.
Mary McKenna is taking legal action along with other surviving members
of those who became known as the ‘Hooded Men’, in a bid to secure an
independent and human rights-compliant investigation into their
Proceedings have been issued against the the PSNI police, British and
Stormont authorities over their failure to properly investigate and
order a full inquiry.
Five standard torture techniques were used against the men as part of
what was called “deep interrogation”, but others faced other acts of
brutality and violence with the aim of extracting information from them.
Government papers recently uncovered have shown that former British
Prime Minister Edward Heath was involved in the decision-making process
which directed the torture, while Stormont’s Prime Minister at the time,
Brian Faulkner, was said to have been personally briefed on the
deployment of the methods.
The court heard Ms McKenna was 14-years-old when her father and brother
were both taken from their house by British soldiers. In a statement she
recalled how when he returned home 10 days later he was “a very broken
Reading from her affidavit, barrister Karen Quinlivan QC said: “He was
sitting crying and was very shaky. I remember him telling me that he had
been hooded and handcuffed to a British solider who had an Alsatian dog
“He told me that the dog had been allowed to bite him and that he had
been required to drink from the same dish as the dog.”
His internment ended in May 1972, when he was released on medical
grounds to enter a psychiatric hospital. But the impact of being
subjected to the torture caused his psychiatric break-down, according to
his daughter, and he died of a heart attack just three years later.
The medical evidence backed allegations that his trauma was responsible
for death as well as psychiatric injuries, the court was told.
It was further revealed that a government minister visited a training
exercise for the “interrogation methods” in 1971. The court was told
that the military taught the torture methods to RUC Special Branch
officers who sought assurances of immunity from prosecution before
carrying them out.
“The allegation in this case is that the decision to sanction that
torture was taken by senior ministers,” said Hugh Southey QC.
“We would argue that the failure to prosecute government ministers has
the potential to undermine the rule of law; it suggests impunity, it
suggests ministers are above the law.”
In another statement heard by the court, one of the group recalled
collapsing and being punched in the stomach to revive him. He was
against the wall for three days, subjected to kicks or beatings every
time he dropped to the ground or fell asleep.
“The applicant described suffering hallucinations and prayed for death,”
Mr Southey said.
His treatment also resulted in serious psychiatric and psychological
consequences, including treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder.
Based on the contents of memos and other documents, Mr Southey pointed
out it was not in question that the men were subjected to treatment that
violated their human rights, nor was it disputed either that
authorisation came from senior government ministers.
A deliberate decision was made to prevent the full truth coming out with
accusations of criminality against the state, he argued.
“There was throughout the 1970s a lack of candour essentially about
precisely what ministers were aware of,” Mr Southey said.
He insisted that any ministerial involvement in what happened to the
‘Hooded Men’ should be subjected to criminal proceedings.
“If one doesn’t prosecute people at the highest level it gives rise to a
greater sense of impunity,” he said.
He also referred to the definition of war crimes applied under the Rome
Statute governing the International Criminal Court sitting at The Hague.
“It’s difficult to see how torture in the context one is talking about,
people detained by the State in the circumstances they were, is any less
serious than torture inflicted in a wartime situation,” the barrister
“Where one is looking at allegations of torture, which is an issue in
this case, one is at the level of a war crime.”
Posted by Jim on
A former British soldier backs calls for prosecutions for the
Ballymurphy Massacre of 1971, when eleven unarmed civilians were killed
by the British Army, among them Father Hugh Mullen, shot in the back
after going to the aid of another casualty, and Danny Teggart, who was
shot 14 times.
By Richard Rudkin
The events of Bloody Sunday are well documented. Forty-five years ago on
Sunday January 30 1972, 13 people were shot and killed by the British
army in Londonderry.
After 38 years of campaigning for justice, the Saville Report, published
in 2010, unequivocally blamed the soldiers of the 1st Battalion
David Cameron, then prime minister, apologised to the victims of Bloody
Sunday on behalf of the British government. His apology sparked a chain
of events culminating in the Northern Ireland police arresting a former
soldier on a charge of murder. Reactions to the arrest were mixed.
Families of those murdered welcomed the decision stating: “It was a step
in the right direction.”
By contrast the Daily Telegraph claimed in a headline: “Paras were
betrayed over arrest of former soldier.”
Almost predictably, ex-service personnel who had served in Northern
Ireland claimed it was a slap in the face for the service they gave.
Others questioned why, under the 1998 Good Friday agreement, anyone
convicted of paramilitary crimes became eligible for early release, yet
former soldiers who have been responsible for killings could be
investigated and possibly charged with murder.
Where is the fairness in that, they ask? A question I have asked many
times over many years but not in the same context.
For I am a former soldier and went to Londonderry in 1972, days after my
18th birthday. I spoke with soldiers who had been at the civil rights
march in Londonderry on Bloody Sunday. Some told me shots had been fired
by troops from the Derry walls into the crowd below. Was it true or were
they just spinning stories? If it’s true, where is the fairness in that?
Later that year in August, I was based in the Falls Road area of
Belfast. I witnessed things that changed not only my political views for
life but also my view on the role of the British army in Northern
This left me speaking out against some of my former colleagues on
methods used and treatment of the Catholic population. So not only do I
welcome the investigation into those killed by the British army but I
too want justice for the families.
However, for the relatives of the victims of the Ballymurphy Massacre,
who have been waiting almost 46 years, justice is yet to be done. So
where’s the fairness in that?
When Operation Demetrius was launched in the early hours of Monday
August 9 1971, the purpose was to “lift” known IRA members.
However, it was evident from the start that the operation was not going
The Royal Ulster Constabulary’s intelligence was found to be inaccurate
and the wrong houses were raided and in some cases the “target” had left
the area. In all, approximately 340 people were arrested and taken in
Although released without charge some time later, many were traumatised
because of what they had experienced and some even turned their support
towards the IRA.
But the tragedy of the events that commenced on that August morning was
not about the treatment given to those arrested — although that may well
have been bad enough — but about the 36 hours that followed, by the end
of which 10 civilians would lay dead, having been shot by the British
army with an 11th person dying from a heart attack following a mock
execution. Despite claims by the soldiers that they came under fire, not
one weapon was recovered.
Among the dead was a priest, Father Hugh Mullen, who was shot in the
back after going to the aid of another casualty, a mother of eight, Joan
Connolly. She too was going to help the injured and another victim,
father of 14 Danny Teggart, shot 14 times — that’s not a typo. Surely
questions have to be asked? If not where’s the fairness in that?
Nine of the victims were shot by the Parachute Regiment who would go on
to be involved in the tragic events of Bloody Sunday five months later.
There is little doubt that if, like Bloody Sunday, all the shootings had
occurred on the same day, the Ballymurphy Massacre would have a higher
profile which would also help the victims’ families get the justice they
Moreover, as a former soldier, I would argue if the events of these
three days had been fully investigated and justice done, Bloody Sunday
may never have occurred.
There was no Royal Ulster Constabulary investigation. The military
police were the only official body to question and take statements from
the soldiers involved in the shootings. It would be interesting to read
the soldiers’ statement on why 14 shots had to be fired at one person
and why a priest, walking away from the soldiers, posed such a threat to
life that the use of lethal force was justified.
By failing to uphold justice, the government sent a clear message to the
British army that they could virtually take any action they liked
without having to face the consequences.
The relatives of the victims continue their fight for justice despite
their first meeting with the secretary of state for Northern Ireland
James Brokenshire in September 2016 ending in disappointment after the
families walked out claiming Brokenshire had failed to answer any
Nevertheless all the families that have had relatives killed by the
British army in Northern Ireland, in circumstances that, being polite
“gave cause for concern,” must receive justice.
In Northern Ireland, the British army operated under the orders set out
on the “Yellow Card,” which all soldiers carried.
The orders contained such items as power of arrest and opening fire.
So to answer those opposed to former soldiers being investigated: if
they can demonstrate how they complied with the “Yellow Card” then
surely there is no problem. However, if there are discrepancies it must
be for the courts to decide, based on evidence to determine if a crime
If found guilty, then the appropriate sentence should be given. If not,
where’s the fairness in that?
Posted by Jim on
The green season is upon us and we need every Hibernian to put our best foot forward. This is the time everyone celebrates their Irish Catholic Heritage just a little bit more than they do the rest of the year. This is why we are asking each and every Hibernian to recruit at least one new members by your April division meeting.
Your recruit may be a family member, a friend, or someone you meet at the many St. Patrick Day Celebrations. Your job is to convey to your recruit the importance of celebrating our Irish heritage 365 days of the year. We need you to have a few applications with you at all times, have your new recruit fill out their application, and then present the application at your next meeting. Once your recruit is approved you need to bring them in for installation and mentor your new recruit closely for the next several months.
In the spirit of recruiting and building strong divisions our National Board will be hosting leadership seminars. The first one takes place in New Jersey on February 25, 2017. Once the seminar is fine tuned we will create videos and maybe even a webinar to share throughout the country. Please take a moment and review the flyer from Organizer Tim McSweeney below. Remember, above all recruit one new member between today and March 17.
In our Motto, James F. McKay
Posted by Jim on February 16, 2017
Connla Young. Irish News. Belfast. Thursday, February 16, 2017
THE Ulster Unionist Party has refused to reveal what action has been taken against a party member suspended after he voiced support for the burning of Irish tricolors on loyalist bonfires.
Jim Sands made the remarks after tricolors and nationalist election posters were burned on âEleventh nightâ bonfires across the north last July.
He described the tricolor as âthe flag of a foreign, hostile countryâ and also defended the burning of election material on pyres.
âWhat is the problem burning Republic of Ireland flags? For some the tricolor is seen as the flag of a hostile foreign country,â he said.
âEven today that country still claims jurisdiction over Northern Ireland and interferes in the affairs of Northern Ireland at every opportunity.
âFor my liking you couldnât have enough tricolors on the bonfire.â
Mr. Sands, who stood for election to Antrim council in 2005 and received just 38 votes, also justified the burning of election posters.
âIt is a peaceful way of young people expressing your displeasure at someoneâs politics especially for someone too young to vote,â he said.
Days after he made the comments the UUP confirmed publicly it had suspended Mr. Sands from the party.
However, when asked about the status of Mr. Sands this week a spokesman said: âWe donât comment on individual party businessâ.
Mr. Sands, who had been a board of governors at Antrim Grammar School, which is attended by more than 700 children from both Catholic and Protestant backgrounds and has âInternational Schoolâ status, later resigned the post.
At the time the school said the UUP politicianâs comments did ânot represent their corporate views nor do they reflect the ethos and inclusive nature of the schoolâ.
The controversy came after the areaâs Ulster Unionist MP Danny Kinahan was criticized for tweeting a picture of himself standing in front of a bonfire topped by a tricolor.
He later apologized saying it was an error of judgment.
Posted by Jim on
Martin Galvin, New York Attorney-At-Law, AOH Division President and contributer to the 1916 Societies One Ireland One Vote Campaign, discusses RHI, ‘Rollover Republicanism’ and the pending elections to Stormont.
In ancient Greece, playwrights often wrote of protagonists brought down from great heights when arrogant overconfidence or hubris blinded them to danger. Like a Greek tragedy, Arlene Foster now finds herself in political jeopardy she might have avoided, but for her own arrogance and hubris.
She had reasons for thinking herself invulnerable. Ten weeks ago she had Martin McGuinness co-sign an Irish News platform piece touting ‘mutual respect’ and ‘delivery’ while delivering what Gerry Adams termed ‘deliberate provocation, arrogance and disrespect’. Corruption, Red Sky or Nama were not worth mentioning. Unionist opposition also seemed incapable of mounting any serious challenge.
RHI could have been a minor annoyance. Martin McGuinness invited Foster to copy Peter Robinson’s ‘Irisgate’ shuffle. Robinson, in January 2010, shuffled in Arlene Foster as stand-in First Minister. Three weeks later, Robinson returned triumphant with some legal opinion (or comfort letter.)
Had Foster shuffled in a stand-in and safe inquiry leader, she might have already returned in triumph with RHI ‘money to burn’ and DUP corruption claims behind her. Instead, blinkered by hubris, the ‘Iron Lady of Unionism’ gave her ‘I regret others let me down’ speech at Stormont. The DUP followed with its Christmas card cut-off of Irish study funding. Sinn Fein’s grassroots could swallow no more.
The party had bogged down in an obsolete strategy. During the Stormont Agreement talks, the British would volunteer some confidence building gesture or statement e.g. proclaiming no selfish interest in keeping the Six Counties. Republicans would reciprocate to show good faith and keep momentum forward.
Greeting English royals, ‘sorry’ initiatives, ‘Towards an Agreed and Reconciled Future’ etc were devised to build goodwill with DUP members and, slowly, erode Unionist fears.
Unfortunately, the British and DUP stopped reciprocating. Instead of confidence building measures to be repaid, the DUP saw only concessions to be pocketed, while demanding more concessions.DUP voters enjoyed watching Foster putting Martin McGuinness in his place.
On legacy inquests, austerity. a Long Kesh Centre or Irish funding, the British stood back while the DUP squeezed out concessions. Sinn Fein could take any meager results as somehow a victory or admit a defeat. ‘Rollover Republicanism’ emerged.
Foster expects to be rescued by Unionist voters on March 2nd. She expects more partnership at any price. Once Republicans lived up to Terence MacSwiney’s words: ‘It is not those who inflict the most but those that can endure the most that shall prevail’. Surely we have not come down to trying to prevail by enduring more ‘deliberate provocation, arrogance and disrespect’ inflicted by Foster and the DUP at Stormont.
Posted by Jim on February 15, 2017
Belfast Telegraph. Tuesday, February 14, 2016
Former British Prime Minister Edward Heath was significantly involved in a decision making process surrounding the torture of 14 men interned in Northern Ireland nearly 46 years ago, the High Court heard on Tuesday.
A judge was also told Stormont’s Prime Minister at the time, Brian Faulkner, was personally briefed on the deployment of techniques which had one of those being held saying he “prayed for death”.
As lawyers for the so-called Hooded Men argued that their treatment was sanctioned by the British State, it was further claimed that a government minister visited a training exercise for the interrogation methods in 1971.
Details emerged during a legal bid in Belfast to secure a fully independent and human rights-compliant investigation into what they were subjected to during the Troubles.
Counsel representing all but one of the group contended that the military taught the torture methods to RUC Special Branch officers who sought assurances of immunity from prosecution before carrying them out.
Hugh Southey QC insisted that any criminal behavior must be probed, no matter who was involved.
“The allegation in this case is that the decision to sanction that torture was taken by senior ministers,” he said.
“We would argue that the failure to prosecute government ministers has the potential to undermine the rule of law; it suggests impunity, it suggests ministers are above the law.”
Action is being taken against the Chief Constable, Secretary of State and the Department of Justice over alleged failures to properly probe and order a full inquiry.
Five techniques were said to have been used against the men as part of “deep interrogation” while they were held without trial: being hooded and made to stand in a stress position against a wall and beaten if they fell; being forced to listen to constant loud static noise; and the deprival of sleep, food and water.
In a statement one of the group recalled collapsing and being punched in the stomach to revive him.
He was against the wall for three days, subjected to kicks or beatings every time he dropped to the ground or fell asleep, the court heard.
“The applicant described suffering hallucinations and prayed for death,” Mr Southey revealed.
His treatment was said to have resulted in serious psychiatric and psychological consequences, including treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder.
The man disclosed that he still wakes in the middle of the night in a cold sweat.
“On one occasion he awoke crouched in his wardrobe in a deeply distressed state,” his barrister added.
The alleged criminality surrounding the torture has never been properly investigated as part of a deliberate decision to prevent the full truth coming out, it was claimed.
But based on the contents of memos and other documents, Mr Southey said it was not in question that the men were subjected to treatment that violated their human rights.
It was not disputed either that authorisation came from senior government ministers, he added.
Papers in the case were said to demonstrate that ministers were aware of what deep interrogation meant.
Mr Justice Maguire was shown references to discussions between the then Defence and Home Secretaries prior to the interrogations starting in August 1971.
“Before the interrogation began the director of intelligence personally explained the techniques to Mr (Brian) Faulkner, who obviously was (Northern Ireland) Prime Minister at the time,” Mr Southey said.
Despite gaps in the available documentation, he argued that the material pointed to the British Prime Minister, Mr Heath, being involved in the decision making process.
He based his claim on details disclosed in papers obtained years later.
The barrister contended: “Civil servants, in around 2000, were clearly concerned that public records would show he played a significant role.”
As the surviving members of the Hooded Men listened in the public gallery, their lawyers went on to claim that a Minister for State for Defence, Lord Balniel, visited a training exercise to see the techniques in September 1971.
Two of the men behind the legal challenge were said to have been subjected to the torture methods a month later.
Part of the case centres on the alleged role played by RUC officers after they were shown the techniques.
Based on further documents, Mr Southey claimed police obtained high-level guarantees they would be protected.
He said: “It’s quite clear the RUC were concerned about what they were being asked to do, they sought assurances… and those assurances were given at a high ministerial level.”
The case continues.
Posted by Jim on February 13, 2017
Please join us and spread the word about our upcoming program:
“The Irish and the Police Scandal”
On Saturday, March 4, we will have a provocative program about what became labeled as the New York “Police Scandal” of 1892. With powerful results, charges were sensationally leveled against police practice and Tammany Hall activity in the city of New York by one of Gotham’s leading citizens. The centerpiece of this Roundtable program will be a talk by Professor Daniel Czitrom, whose recent book on the Scandal, New York Exposed, has been called a “tour de force of investigation and interpretation.”
The program will be held at 2:00 p.m.in the McCloskey meeting room in the parish house of the Basilica of St. Patrick’s Old Cathedral, 263 Mulberry Street, Manhattan. Suggested donation: $5. Refreshments will follow.
We look forward to seeing you.
Posted by Jim on February 12, 2017
A truth-telling cop, an Irish Serpico, now threatens to bring down this current Irish government amid a welter of corruption and false evidence charges.
Matters came to a head this weekend with Sinn Fein announcing they were putting down a motion of no confidence in the government and their handling of the case of Sergeant Maurice McCabe.
Sinn Fein Deputy Leader Mary Lou McDonald stated “The manner in which they (the government) have handled the scandalous campaign of character assassination against Sergeant Maurice McCabe renders this Government unfit for public office.
“Sinn Féin will table a motion of no confidence … in this cover up Government without delay.
“We will be seeking support for this motion of no confidence from all opposition TDs and Fianna Fáil,” added McDonald.
A weekend poll showed main government party Fine Gael 12 points behind Fianna Fail who have been propping them up in government. The poll was taken before the latest McCabe revelations.
Sergeant McCabe was a whistleblower, calling time on corrupt colleagues and especially on illegal practices such as removing penalty driving points for driving offenses for favored big shots.
McCabe examined the Garda (police) computer system known as Pulse and uncovered numerous corrupt uses of the penalty points cancellation. He gathered the information and presented it to the top police officials.
Sensationally among those who had benefited was the police commissioner himself, Martin Callinan. When this became public, and a whitewash inquiry occurred Callinan called McCabe and a colleague who has since left the force “disgusting.”
When the McCabe allegations of penalty point corruption were confirmed the commissioner retired early, and Justice Minister Alan Shatter who had also savaged McCabe resigned. But the controversy was only beginning. What transpired at the weekend however, was truly sensational. A file containing an utterly bogus claim that McCabe was a pedophile and had anally and vaginally penetrated a young girl was found in possession of the child protection agency Tusla.
After McCabe had exposed a corrupt colleague in an assault case in 2006 that colleague’s daughter had claimed McCabe had tickled and touched her during a game of hide and seek. The motivation clearly was revenge, and the Director of Public Prosecution stated there was no basis whatever for the claim.
However, her claim had now turned up again with extra and graphic details on anal and vaginal penetration that were not even included in the original file. Tusla also added files for each of McCabe’s kids, even though two are adults and even though they never informed the alleged defendant McCabe of what they were doing. They sent the file to police authorities without McCabe knowing in complete disregard of all legal protocols
The child agency stated last week that the new and lewd details had been connected to another case and had somehow been transposed into McCabe’s file and they apologized. It was the first McCabe knew of the bogus accusations against him.
However, every crime journalist in Dublin was fully aware of the case as senior police officials had spread word of the file, which they certainly knew all about claiming it was real, to every major media source. That had highly colored the coverage of McCabe with top cops undermining every one of his revelations with leaked stories about how dreadful a human being he really was.
A leading Irish politician stated that Commissioner Callinan had personally tried to blacken McCabe’s reputation saying he was not to be trusted during a private meeting and politicians are probing current Garda Commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan and whether she may have known a fully fledged campaign was underway to blacken McCabe’s name.
Tusla was finally forced into the open following excellent investigative work by the Irish television program Prime Time.
Then came another twist when it was revealed that Children’s Minister Katherine Zappone, the American-born politician was told by the child agency of the file and that it had been sent to police authorities.
She said she had informed senior figures in the Irish government of the existence of the file and where it was, but the government leaders including Enda Kenny stated that they had never received any detailed information.
Zappone, in Seattle for a family event was due to fly back to Ireland this week and faces a media storm.
Meanwhile, Sergeant McCabe is finally getting the justice he sought. McCabe first came to prominence when he reported an assault case in his jurisdiction in Cavan had not been pursued properly. He especially exposed corruption in the “penalty point” system where well-known figures who drove drunk, got into accidents, were caught speeding had their penalty points scrubbed by top police brass.
Opposition politicians have already named several well-known figures alleged to have had traffic offenses quashed. They include rugby star Ronan O’Gara, Judge Mary Devins and crime reporter Paul Williams, now a special correspondent for Independent newspapers who has always had excellent police sources.
McCabe became a whistleblower after a previous police scandal had resulted in a call for better governance and for whistleblowers to step forward. As Michael Clifford reported in the Irish Examiner, “He had first made complaints, some years previously, about what he deemed malpractice and deception. He had a good record when he was asked to be station sergeant in Bailieboro, Co Cavan. While there, McCabe encountered a number of concerns. Eventually, following what he saw as shocking incompetence in the investigation of a serious assault, he made a complaint. Others followed. A number were upheld, but McCabe wasn’t informed whether any action was taken against the officers involved. Pretty soon, it became apparent that he was regarded as troublesome. Making complaints wasn’t the done thing. Get on with the job; look the other way; bite your tongue, and move on.” The blue wall of silence was to be held intact.
On Dec 14, 2012, McCabe was called in by his district superior and told he was being ordered to desist from disseminating information gleaned from the Pulse system. McCabe had examined files on the system that illustrated widespread abuse of the penalty points system. Now, he had an order issued against him. The message was being conveyed to him that the upper echelons of the force had identified him as a whistleblower.”
Soon after he became the subject of an investigation into a lost computer seized from a suspect alleged to have child pornography on it. McCabe wasn’t even remotely connected to the case, and the investigation cleared him. But he knew he was on notice especially with death threats and anonymous threatening phone calls.
Columnist Fintan O’Toole of The Irish Times stated that if the collusion between the child agency and the cops occurred in order to blacken McCabe as now seems the likely case it was incredibly serious.
“The very possibility this could have happened is a threat to Irish democracy. A State that has seen off subversion from without may be looking at something even more dangerous: subversion from within. It is not good enough to hope this did not happen – we have to know for sure whether it did or not.”
We know Frank Serpico was set up by his own colleagues during a drugs raid when he called for backup and none came and he was seriously injured. Maurice McCabe has experienced the same lonely battle
When asked about his role in uprooting corruption among Irish cops he said “Having been treated the way I was for reporting the above, I don’t think that I would do it again. It destroyed me, my career and my family.”
It may also destroy this current Irish government.
Posted by Jim on
On February 14, 1895, Sean Treacy, revolutionary leader during the Irish War of Independence, was born in Solohead, County Tipperary. Treacy joined the Gaelic League and the Irish Republican Brotherhood in 1911. In 1913, Sean and his friend Dan Breen joined the Irish Volunteers. Treacy helped organize the Easter Rising and would spend several months in prison during 1917 and 1918. As 1919 began, Treacy was vice-commandant of the Third Tipperary Brigade of the Irish Republican Army. On January 21, Treacy was one of the participants — along with his friend, Dan Breen — in an ambush of RIC officers at Soloheadbeg, which is considered the beginning of the War of Independence. On May 13, he was wounded at Knocklong. In 1920, Treacy went to Dublin to work with Michael Collins. On October 12, he and his long-time comrade, Dan Breen, barely escaped capture in Dublin in a raid by British intelligence. Firing through the door, they killed two British officers and managed to escape the house by crashing through a window. They had been lucky to escape, but Sean’s luck was running out. Two days later, he was confronted by a group of British soldiers and intelligence agents on Talbot Street. Treacy and Breen had once sworn to fight to the death rather than surrender — now Treacy would make good on that pledge. Drawing his pistol, in spite of the tremendous odds against him, Treacy managed to fatally wound two of the British intelligence officers before he was shot and killed. It was said that Michael Collins was deeply saddened by Treacy’s death.
Posted by Jim on February 11, 2017
Sean Bresnahan argues that the recent decision on Brexit by the Supreme
Court in London leaves no room for doubt that the Good Friday Agreement
amounts to nothing more than an exclusively internal solution.
Last month’s decision at the UK Supreme Court, that Brexit in no way
defers to the devolved administration in the North, should come as no
surprise. It reflects the cornerstone of the devolution set-up:
sovereignty resides at Westminster. Those who insisted otherwise, that
Stormont had somehow a veto, were chasing their shadow for the purposes
of effect – playing to the gallery, intent on distraction. We don’t need
a lawyer to know this.
For republicans, all of this reaffirms that the Good Friday
‘architecture’ is wholly internal, with Britain retaining power to
withdraw its ‘concessions’ should it ever be required do so. Indeed we
are seeing this play out as we speak. How can this be so in the face of
the Good Friday Agreement? The Agreement notwithstanding, constitutional
authority still resides within the UK Parliament: ‘Parliament giveth:
Parliament taketh away.’
As many of us argued from the beginning and is now before all in plain
sight, the Good Friday Agreement is essentially an internal settlement,
upheld by British law alone. It in no way breaches the ‘constitutional
integrity’ of the United Kingdom. It does not even contain
‘transitional’ elements that in time might effect that end – as the
republican leadership were forced to concede during internal discussions
in its wake.
That they were reduced to describing it as a ‘transition to a
transition’ – with ‘transitory potential’ at best – made plain that its
terms were in conflict with our fundamental position. That position was
and remains that an internal settlement – even one with all-Ireland
‘add-ons’ – is a non-starter and an anathema. It is outside and steps
away from republican core thinking. Essentially we are talking about an
Beneath the appeals to have trust in the project and that the leadership
needed time – needed the same level of support and commitment afforded
the armed campaign – the reality was obvious for those who chose to
look: six inches in front of the face and five times in the first
section alone. That reality is that the Good Friday Agreement in no way
impacts the British sovereign claim. Indeed it codifies that claim, in a
body of text which republicans agreed to be bound by in return for the
‘right to aspire’.
All of this was obvious from the process itself, as many protested ahead
of the talks. The Multi-Party Talks were between parties internal to the
North, who ‘negotiated’ an agreement within strict parameters set out in
advance by the Major Government (with lateral support from Dublin).
Within its Framework Document, unilaterally determined by Britain, lay
the eventual ‘heads for agreement’. Everything subsequent is no more
than semantics and entirely for the optics.
Further to that again, the outcome of a ‘successful’ negotiation and a
political ‘settlement’ thereof required majority agreement within the
room, majority agreement in the Occupied Six Counties and a majority in
turn within the British Parliament. This removed all possibility that
anything other than an internal settlement could ever result from the
We were already beaten before we began, the outcome predetermined. That
outcome? Britain’s sovereign claim intact and her ‘right to rule’
conceded, all wrapped up in an internal arrangement as that we opposed
from the outset – in essence the totality of all that the movement had
stood against. It’s a cliche of old but it still rings true: ‘for what
died the sons of Roisin.’
Last month’s decision on Brexit – denying a role to London’s ‘internal
colonies’ on matters impacting their own well-being – is a timely
reminder of the above and of where we stand now today. It invites us to
reflect on what has become of our struggle. With the legitimacy of
British constitutional law conceded, realising Irish self-determination
requires no mean feat. That is where we are at.
Ireland’s best hope might very well prove that the triggering of Article
50 comes to tear apart the Union, leaving us ‘incidental victors’, of a
sort, in the long fight to free our country. For sure we’ll take freedom
by any means going – and rightly so. But let there be no mistake. Should
this come to pass, the actions of those who stabilised the rule will
have played no part in the achievement.
Indeed if they had had it their way in the first place, if Britain’s
Supreme Court had backed their appeals, they would have succeeded in
blocking that pathway. That in itself – and not for the first time –
points to their direction of travel. Regardless their scheming, we can
only await what the time ahead comes to bring. Interesting times in
store for sure – of that there can be no doubt.
Posted by Jim on
In a potentially historic development, the London parliament has voted
to allow the British government renege on the 1998 Good Friday peace
agreement as part of its negotiations to leave the European Union.
The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) proposed the amendment to
the Brexit bill which paves the way for Britain to withdraw from the EU
following last year’s referendum. That referendum was rejected in the
North of Ireland and Scotland, but passed due to high levels of support
in England and Wales.
The SDLP amendment was defeated by 327 votes to 288 as the bill to
trigger Brexit was overwhelmingly passed by Westminster this week. The
outcome legally relegates the Good Friday Agreement and rewrites that
section under which the consent of a majority in the Six Counties is
required for a change in its constitutional position.
Commenting on the vote, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams said: “This
decision confirms my worst fears. The British government doesn’t care
one iota for the people of the north.”
The 26 County Taoiseach Enda Kenny even warned of a possible return to
armed conflict. He said “new ways” will have to be thought out for the
peace process or the consequences could be serious for Ireland.
“Any semblance to a return to what they call a hard border, or borders
of the past, brings with it serious challenges for this country,” he
said. “I don’t mean just in terms of trade or economy, but what we had
before – criminality and even armed conflict. I wouldn’t want to be
alarmist about it, but this is a political challenge here.”
Sinn Fein said it is embarking on a Europe-wide “diplomatic offensive”
to convince political leaders of the case for the Six Counties of the
north of Ireland retaining special EU status post Brexit.
Unveiling her party’s candidate line-up for March’s Assembly election,
Michelle O’Neill, the party’s northern leader, said she had written to
the 27 other EU states to lobby for their support.
She was heavily critical of British Direct Ruler James Brokenshire’s
comments last week, when he appeared to rule out the possibility that
the region could retain a form of special EU designation.
“I have got news for you James, it won’t be your decision,” she said.
“It will be the other member states who decide the terms of Brexit. That
is why Sinn Fein is on a diplomatic offensive across the length and
breadth of Europe, where there is a hell of a lot more sympathy for our
case than for the right wing, anti-immigrant agenda which has fuelled
the Brexit fiasco in the first place.”
Meanwhile, Sinn Fein’s Pat Doherty told a parliamentary committee in
Dublin that Ireland should not be “naive” and needed to realise Britain
had only permanent interests, not permanent friends.
“There is no such thing as a soft border… just soft words,” he told
the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday
“The road the British government is travelling on is going to lead to a
hard border on the island of Ireland. We are in for a very, very
The West Tyrone MP said it did not matter that every political party,
north and south, was opposed to a 310 mile hard border being reimposed
between both parts of the island.
“We should not be naive about the intention of the British government,”
he said. They are going to have a hard border and they do not care in
any meaningful way about its impact on Ireland.”
Mr Doherty was hopeful that Europe could yet devise “special
circumstances” for the north of Ireland given that every Irish citizen,
including those born north of the border, is entitled to be an EU
citizen, and are recognised as such under the Good Friday Agreement.
However, he warned: “The road the British government is travelling on is
going to lead to a hard border on the island of Ireland. We are in for a
very, very difficult time.”
Posted by Jim on February 10, 2017
COMMITTEE: Sinn FeinaÌ??s Pat Doherty told an Oireachtas committee
yesterday there is no such thing as a soft border
Brian Hutton. Irish News. Belfast. Friday, February 10, 2017
Britain will impose a hard border on the island of Ireland as it leaves the
European Union regardless of its impact, a senior Sinn FeÌin MP has said.
Pat Doherty, former vice president of the party, told a parliamentary committee there is no such thing as a soft border.
Ireland should not be ânaiveâ about an imminent new frontier and needed to realise Britain had only permanent interests, not permanent friends, he said.
âThere is no such thing as a soft border… just soft words,â he told Dublinâs Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.
âThe road the British government is travelling on is going to lead to a hard border on the island of Ireland.
âWe are in for a very, very difficult time.â
The West Tyrone MP said it did not matter that every political party, north and south, bar one or two small factions, was opposed to a
310-mile hard border being re-imposed between both parts of the island.
âWe should not be naive about the intention of the British government,â he said.
âThey are going to have a hard border and they do not care in any meaningful way about its impact on Ireland.â
Mr. Doherty said Theresa Mayâs government cares only about the âTory and Brexit vote, mostly in Englandâ and Ireland has a huge job to convince Europe of the depth of the problem.
But he added Europe could âdevise special circumstancesâ for Northern Ireland given that every citizen is entitled under the Good Friday Agreement to be an EU citizen.
Public spending minister Paschal Donohoe, who appeared before the committee hearing into the impact of Brexit on the peace deal, said the Irish government needed to look at trade and funding models between Sweden and Norway as well as France and Switzerland.
âWe want the current trading relationship between the UK and Ireland to be as close to the current circumstances as possible,â he said.
âThat is the objective we will have entering negotiations.â
Mr Donohoe said the British âhave left spaceâ in what relationship it will have with the EUâs customs union in the future, which allowed an important area to negotiate a trading arrangement that best suits the needs of the Irish economy.
âAny time I visit any of the border counties I hear very clearly from citizens their concerns on economic stability and freedoms now and in the future,â he said.
âI agree that we can not see a return to a hard border because of the destabilizing effects it would have on the north and other parts of Ireland.â
Posted by Jim on February 9, 2017
Via The Transcripts Martin Galvin speaks to former Irish Republican political prisoner, Packy Carty, via telephone from Co. Tyrone about the new Irish Republican party, Saoradh @ RFÉ 4 February 2017.
Martin: And with us on the line we have Packy Carty in Tyrone. Welcome to – well I should say welcome back – I believe you did an interview a number of years ago with John McDonagh – welcome back to Radio Free Éireann. And I believe it was September that your new political party, a new Irish Republican political party, the word that – it was formed – it’s liberation. Could you tell us how you pronounce it first of all?
Packy: A chairde, Martin, thanks for having us on. ‘Sear róo’ is our pronunciation but it does vary a bit regarding provincial Gaelic so it may sound a bit different in Leinster or Munster.
Martin: Alright. And that, of course, is spelled s-a-o-r-a-d-h…
Martin: …So if you’re looking for information about it that’s where to go. Okay. I want to – just tell us first a little bit about your own background and involvement in Irish Republican politics. I spoke to you briefly on the phone about this interview and you said you were born in it – you had an uncle killed, father was in jail, you’ve been in prison – just tell us briefly about yourself and your family connections to Irish Republicanism.
Packy: Yeah, well I was born in Dungannon in East Tyrone which is you know, it’s a Republican heartland – it was the area where the East Tyrone Brigade was active. My Uncle Paddy was killed in Omagh in 1973 and my father was incarcerated as a Republican prisoner in the 1970’s. I’ve been active in Republican politics myself from about the mid to late 1990’s and was held by remand in Maghaberry jail in 2012. I spent that period on protest with the prisoners in Roe House.
Martin: Alright. And we call that internment-by-remand where they just deny you bail, they hold you – How long were you in? And then when it was time for trial they said there was no evidence against you and the case was dismissed.
Packy: Yeah well they made a number of assertions and they charged me and held me for nine months. At that time, that was about February 2012 I think, I was lifted. I was in the car with my wife and my children and was just lifted off the side of the road, held overnight in Antrim Interrogation Barracks, taken to Enniskillen I think the following morning and then quickly from thereon to Enniskillen court and quickly thereon to Maghaberry.
Martin: Alright, just let’s get right to it. Tell us: What is Saoradh and why is it that you and others, other Republicans, have formed another Republican party – some people would say other than Sinn Féin?
In regards to forming a new party you know the movement has more formalisation. The movement has existed for five years or more now. It has coalesced more or less around prisoners’ issues initially and particularly the Irish Prisoners’ Welfare Association but going back to when I got out of jail in 2012 discussions and talks were on-going to build what has now become the Saoradh party. Those consultations were perfected and drawn out in the interests of Republican unity and there was consultations and dialogue with a number of Republican groupings and independents in regards to building what earlier, in the latter part of last year, became the Saoradh party.
Martin: Okay. And what is the political strategy that your party has to unite Ireland where you think that Sinn Féin and other political parties have failed?
Packy: Well starting off it’s getting back to brass tacks and rebuilding the Republican Movement, rebuilding Republicanism from the grassroots up. You know we’ve had this top-down, diktat approach by the likes of Sinn Féin and the destruction of Republicanism basically by them being completely subsumed into the British Establishment and subsumed into administering British rule via Stormont. So you know it’s a long, hard road back from that and we’re at the very start of it. So we’re focused at the moment on building the party up, laying down the structures, re-engaging the grassroots and engaging on things that relate to what they’re facing in their daily lives and their struggles and on how British rule is affecting them on the ground day and daily.
Martin: Alright. Now there are elections on March 2nd. I know that your party was just recently formed and you certainly didn’t expect that there would be an election so soon and I’m sure you’re not running candidates but what is it that your party will ask people to do in terms of that March 2nd election? Some people say if you put Sinn Féin in you’ll keep Arlene Foster out. What is it that your party wants to do? And just tell us the theory or feeling about why the action that you’re going to ask people to take is going to promote a united Ireland in a way that voting for somebody else will not.
Packy: Well from Saoradh’s perspective you know it doesn’t matter if you have direct British rule or indirect British rule. It’s still British rule nonetheless. And in reality Stormont has very little power and it has shown that – you know Sinn Féin can’t even deliver on an Irish language act. They’re completely, they’re devoid if they believe they make any change via the British institution that is Stormont.
Stormont has been coming down recently with corruption and it has fell on the sword in a long line of corruption with the latest RHI (Renewable Heat Incentive) scheme but what our party will be asking people to do is we’re taking a revolutionary approach. We’re taking an approach from outside of the British institutions and we’re asking people not to vote. We’re asking people to vote with their feet and stay at home. You know it’s only a year since the last Stormont election and voter turnout was down to fifty-four percent. And now while we don’t recognise the gerrymandered statelet that is what is termed Northern Ireland, you know what we would call the Occupied Six Counties, while we don’t recognise it technically we realise the advantage of trying to push voter turnout below fifty percent to divest this popular myth that somehow British rule, or its beachhead in Ireland which is Stormont, has some sort of popular mandate. So that’s the campaign we’ve been engaging in – in a broad ranging campaign encouraging Irish citizens to stay at home and divest this perceived support for British rule in Ireland.
Martin: Alright. And seeing Sinn Féin at Stormont – it’s played up where it’s claimed to be that it gives power to Nationalists, to Republicans – you’ve said that it’s just part of the British administration. Does the fact that Sinn Féin is in Stormont, is on policing boards, is in other machinery of the state – does that help? Or is that just, in your view, something that gives credence, credibility, undeserved credibility, to British rule?
Packy: Well they’ve been completely subsumed into the system, you know. I think Davy Jordan, our national chairperson, stated that at the inaugural Ard Fheis, you know, they have been subsumed by the very system they set out to overthrown. At present there’s a hundred thousand children living in poverty under British rule in Ireland at this minute in time and those figures are by a British charity, the Joseph Roundtree Trust. You can’t hide from that, you know? Sinn Féin is pouring austerity and misery into the working class heartlands that produced it, from where it emerged. You know Sinn Féin puts great emphasis on the fact that it built its electoral prowess off the hunger strike and the deaths of people like Bobby Sands and of Patsy O’Hara. But if you go into the heartlands where Bobby Sands and Patsy O’Hara come from in Belfast and Doire respectively, you’re walking into some of the most deprived areas in western Europe. And that’s an economic war that Britain has continued to wage against the Irish people – you know, that has never ended. And now what you’re seeing is the complete submission by Sinn Féin and they’ve literally became the new constitutional nationalist party, the new SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), they’re in that middle ground. They’ve completely forsaken the people who bore the brunt of the struggle and who continue to bear the brunt of this new-found Tory neo-liberal austerity agenda. You know, who would ever have thought you’d see the day where Sinn Féin is imposing poverty on behalf of the Tory government that effectively murdered Bobby Sands and the other prisoners in the H-Blocks in 1981. That’s the contradiction you’re left with now and the hypocritical position that Sinn Féin now sits in.
Martin: Alright. Now you eventually will run candidates I believe – correct me if I’m wrong because I’m just going just on some of the articles I’ve read about the party in the paper – but my understanding is that your position is eventually, down the road when the party is ready, they will run candidates but they will run them on an abstentionist basis. What is the theory behind running candidates on an abstentionist basis meaning: We’ll try to win seats, show votes, quantify support for our position but not take seats in Stormont, in certainly in Westminster if it comes to that or I don’t know if you have that same policy on local councils?
Packy: Well at the minute there probably still will be a debate on the issue of local councils – that’ll be an internal, grassroots debate within the party about the viability of that but traditionally Republicans, you know going back to the time of the formation of Dáil Éireann, have utilised the councils – that is a debate that will be on-going. But in regards to the partitionist institutions of Leinster House and Stormont there’s absolutely no way Saoradh at any time, now or in the future, will we be running in elections to take seats in those institutions. Yes, we may utilise those elections in the future to run abstentionist candidates and the reason being is that we want to divest control from the existing British institutions. You know, the Twenty-Six County institution is not The Dáil. The Dáil Éireann was suppressed and was replaced by the Royal Oireachtas. It is as much a British parliament as the Stormont administration that exists in the Occupied Six Counties. And if we look at our recent history, anybody who has walked away from the revolutionary Republican position and taken their seats in Stormont or taken their seats in Leinster House has been subsumed and shaped by those institutions. You could take people like Gerry Kelly, people like Pat Sheehan – Pat Sheehan is an excellent example. You know you have a man who was an IRA combatant who was captured, incarcerated, went on the blanket, went on hunger strike, finished his incarceration, re-committed himself to the Republican Movement, was captured again and re-interned and he was taken out. He’s been fed into this machinery of the state and has come out the other side a robot that now sits up and tells people to join the Crown Forces, to inform on Irish citizens to the Crown Forces, who sits on these British policing boards and who is a rack-renting landlord and that is the end product of engaging in these processes and it would be a huge mistake for Saoradh or any other Republican organisation who thinks that at the beginning of this process you can go in with your ideas and come out with them still intact on the other side. Irish history is littered with the failures of constitutional, you know of these moves into constitutional nationalism.
Martin: Alright. Now your party is very much linked to prisoners and Republican prisoners’ issues. Could you tell us some of the things that you’ve done in terms of supporting Republican prisoners, trying to campaign for justice or help the families of those who are in prison?
Packy: Yes. Well there’s a lot of people that would have you believe that there is no Republican prisoners anymore or that somehow if you’re a Republican prisoners before 1998 that that makes you some sort of hero and if you’re a Republican prisoner post-1998 then you’re some sort of public pariah but there’s a lot…
Martin: …Well the funny thing – if I can interrupt you – you get people like Gerry McGeough or Seamus Kearney and others who were actually in prisoned post-1998 for actions, IRA actions, that occurred in 1980 or 1981 and somehow they still were seemed to be in the pariah category instead of people that should be supported as part of the struggle. Sorry for interrupting but just go ahead – just tell us what you’re position is.
Packy: Yeah well you have people like Scotchy (Seamus) Kearney and Gerry McGeough who didn’t toe the Sinn Féin party line and therefore don’t get the comfortable letters from your British government to say: Oh, you can come back and live a normal life. you know, they’re still persecuted. And it must be pointed out that Britain is still prosecuting its war, still prosecuting its criminalisation policy and all those who engaged in the struggle for national liberation and they focus intently on anyone who isn’t toeing the Sinn Féin line – there’s no comfort letters for those people. And I think recently on one of the political debate shows on British television Gerry Kelly said that he would be quite comfortable for Britain’s continuing criminalisation of former combatants from that long war period before the so-called ’98 agreement.
Martin: Well one of the things – not only, first of all, if you took a position that Bobby Sands and others on the blanket that they were not criminals – that they were political prisoners – if you then criminalise or send to jail as a criminal people like Gerry McGeough and Seamus Kearney it seems to be that you’re betraying that principle. But more than that, isn’t it a fact that if you were in prisoned during that time it’s very, very difficult, other than a very few exceptions, you don’t get to come to the United States because you’re viewed as a ‘criminal’, you don’t get a visa, you don’t get a – because you’re branded as such by the British – you’re not eligible for certain positions – I don’t know about teaching, other positions – you still are criminalised in that sense and Sinn Féin was part and is part of the government that does that, that is involved in that process – isn’t that – would that be your party’s position as well?
Packy: Yeah, that’s very true. You know Sinn Féin told everyone, told its supporters, told its base that it had negotiated an end to the Anglo-Irish conflict in 1998. That’s what was portrayed and, as you well know, they were in the US trying to put forward the same narrative. What this does is blows that out of the water and basically shows that the British negotiated a surrender from the Provisional Movement and that’s the basis of it and now you have people like Gerry Kelly and Martin McGuinness, who have these so-called criminal records as well for their part as being combatants in the Republican resistance, and it’s okay – they can go to places like Washington and engage in these civic events but you know for the ordinary guy on the ground, the guy who isn’t in the higher echelons of Sinn Féin, he can’t get a job at a shopping mall as a security guard because of this so-called criminal record and you know he can’t fly to certain countries, the US and Australia and places like that, because he’s on no-fly lists and is down on so-called ‘terror’ lists. And that’s the out-workings of this is that the Sinn Féin didn’t negotiate an end to anything. What they did was capitulate and immerse themselves in the very system that they had fought for how long? From the beginning. They’ve come full circle.
Martin: Could you tell us just briefly: I know your group participated in the Bloody Sunday demonstration last Sunday but what is some of the things – you’ve established office, you’ve organised a number of protests – what are some of the other things that your party has done since its creation just a few short months ago?
Packy: Yes, well there was a good turnout by the membership and the activists in Doire but Doire is a strong city for us. We have an office in Doire and are recently in the process of forming a youth wing. We formed craoibh across the country. We have an office in the heart of Belfast with more planned hopefully places like Tyrone and other areas. Our Dublin comrades were among the activists that seized Apollo House in Dublin from the banks and opened it up to ease the homeless epidemic recently over Christmas. And in Tyrone we’ve engaged with concerned residents who face corporate poisoning and the theft of our natural resources at the hands of the Dalradian Gold company and things like that, who have been gifted our natural resources by the British Crown and while Sinn Féin sit subservient and don’t rock the boat. You know we’re also constantly active in highlighting ongoing issues affecting Republican prisoners and the fact that you have forced strip searching, that you have controlled movement and isolation and prisoners being held in solitary confinement. You know, I’ve a close friend at the moment in Maghaberry jail, Marty McGilloway, who grew up in the same housing estate as me, and Marty’s been held now for four and a half years in solitary confinement and UN legislation states that a person can’t be held for longer than fifteen days but this is on-going. You have other prisoners as well from Lurgan and other areas who are held in the same sort of conditions; we’re constantly working on that…
Packy: …We’re also working, too, to reintegrate ourselves into, back into, the working class areas and tackle issues, bread and butter every day issues where the out-workings of British rule is pouring suffering and misery on the working people.
Martin: Okay. We’re coming to the end. We’re talking to Packy Carty of Saoradh, the new political party in Ireland. Packy, just before you go could you tell us: If people want to get more information about your political party how would they do it?
Packy: Yeah. Well we’ve a website saoradh.ie…
Martin: …Okay – that’s (Martin spells out Saoradh) Is that correct?
Martin: Okay. Is there anywhere else to get information? You’re on Facebook as well. Is that correct?
Packy: Yeah. We’re on Facebook under Saoradh – The Unfinished Revolution and we’re on Twitter under Eire Saoradh. (Packy spells it)
Martin: Okay, the name of the party again – Saoradh – which is an Irish word, means liberation. (Martin spells Saoradh) Again you can get information at s-a-o-r-a-d-h dot ie. You can look it up on Facebook. Packy, we want to thank you for introducing your party to an American audience and hopefully we’ll have you back soon as other developments as the party continues to grow and prosper.
Packy: Go raibh míle maith agat. Thank you very much.
Posted by Jim on February 8, 2017
Irish Examiner Editorial. Cork. Wednesday, February 8, 2017
“If you feed a crocodile, it will keep coming back for more.”
— Arlene Foster, DUP leader
ONE of the primary duties of a political handler is to ensure that the face, the mask their master presents to the world, is fixed. The mask-cum-face, like every other mirror in a politician’s armoury, must stay on message. It must not deviate. It is part of a contrived image built to reassure and cajole. The face-cum-mask must sometimes conceal difficult truths. It must, more usually, radiate collegiality. A good political handler ensures the mask-cum-face almost never slips.
Equally, a masterful handler, a PJ Mara, a Peter Mandelson or a Steve Bannon, understands that if the carefully crafted mask does slip it must be for a very good reason. There must be a dividend for revealing your hand. A calculated moment, a flourish on a metaphorical Lambeg drum must achieve something, maybe reach a constituency once taken for granted but thought to be wavering. This is especially true ahead of a difficult election, brought about by your own hubris. Only Democratic Unionist Party leader and erstwhile First Minister of Northern Ireland, Arlene Foster, or her handlers know if her statement ruling out the possibility of Stormont legislation to support Irish was a slip of the mask or a considered call-out to the fringes of her party.
Whichever it was, the language was offensive: “If you feed a crocodile, it will keep coming back for more,” she declared. Anyone who understands participatory democracy could not use such language to describe a growing proportion of the population she was, as First Minister, obliged to represent fairly. “If there was to be an Irish language act, there should be a Polish language act because more people in the North speak Polish than Irish,” she continued, insulting Irish speakers and Poles with a sweep of her latent sectarianism.
Whichever it was, a slip or a salvo, it was a chilling reminder of the contempt autonomous, bigoted Unionism directed at the North’s Nationalist community in the B Special decades, the institutionalised hatred that made carnage inevitable. Mrs Foster’s dismissal may have been cheered in the never-never-never Orange halls of Northern Ireland but, tragically, it will have got an even warmer reception in the backrooms where Sinn Féin’s near-permanent consistory can select leaders — Michelle O’Neill — without even the pretence of engaging in a democratic process. It is hard to think of a declaration so helpful to Sinn Féin since the days of Margaret Thatcher’s occasionally unhinged bellicosity.
Mrs Foster’s integrity is in question because of the Renewable Heat Incentive grants scandal — she insists she would be vindicated by any inquiry — but now her suitability as a leader in a modern, inclusive parliament is in question. That she and her party campaigned for Brexit, but the North’s electorate rejected that call, strengthens that impression.
This Republic is far from perfect but what a sad, hateful place Northern Ireland seems to be. What a tragedy.
Posted by Jim on February 7, 2017
Irish News Editorial.Belfast. Tuesday, February 7, 2017
Until now the campaign had actually been very restrained with the parties generally restricting themselves to low key and largely predictable exchanges on the obvious themes.
However, Mrs. Foster plainly concluded yesterday that the political temperature needed to be raised immediately by launching a particularly outspoken attack on those associated with the Irish language sector.
She said that, as far as she was concerned, there would never be an Irish language act at Stormont and suggested that, in numerical terms, a much stronger case existed for legislation in support of Polish speakers.
The Polish community here is both highly respected and fast growing but there are no indications that its members have any real interest in obtaining some form of judicial protection for their language.
Their overwhelming legal concern in the recent past has been hoping that the racist extremists who have regularly targeted Poles living in Loyalist [Unionist/Protestant] areas can be brought before the courts.
Most observers will have been left in no doubt that, rather than promoting Polish culture, Mrs Foster was much more focused on the DUP’s familiar practice of going out of its way to insult Irish language enthusiasts.
Previous similar interventions by Gregory Campbell and Sammy Wilson might have been regarded as examples of buffoonery from fringe figures but there was something profoundly depressing about the DUP leader heading down the same childish route with such enthusiasm.
It was striking that she could only associate Irish language issues with Sinn Féin when it is well known that all the main parties in the Dáil, as well as the SDLP and Alliance north of the border, have their own clearly defined policies in this regard.
The Irish language also belongs to all sides of our divided society, and many dedicated and well informed speakers within the Protestant and Unionist tradition will have been totally dismayed by Mrs. Foster’s stance.
It would be difficult to imagine a more provocative remark from a senior politician than her attempt to dismiss any prospect of an Irish language act by saying; “If you feed a crocodile, it will keep coming back for more.”
The debate over the proposed legislation will remain on the agenda, and, like a range of other measures, will require careful and mature consideration during wider discussions.
It was hugely disappointing yesterday to find the DUP effectively turning its back on this process and instead giving the firm impression that its simple priority is diverting attention from its role in the RHI debacle.
Posted by Jim on February 6, 2017
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD will travel to the USA during the St Patrick’s week for a short 48-hour visit to brief Irish American leaders and politicians on the negotiations in the North, Brexit and the needs of the undocumented Irish.
This will include a meeting with the Friends of Ireland in Congress, Irish American representatives, and, if invited, he will attend the Speaker’s Lunch and an event in the White House.
“At this critical time in the Irish peace process it does not make sense for Irish leaders to exclude ourselves from an opportunity to engage on critical issues like the crisis in the political institutions, Brexit, the future of the Good Friday Agreement, Irish unity and the rights of the undocumented Irish in the USA.
“Consequently I will travel to the USA in March.
“I understand that all of this is happening at a time of deep concern in Ireland and globally at the actions of Donald Trump since his election as President of the United States. Sinn Féin has been to the fore in opposing these measures.
“We have raised our concerns in the Dáil, written to President Trump directly to outline our opposition and Michelle O’Neill has made clear that if returned to the Executive we would not issue an invite to him to visit Ireland.
“Since Bill Clinton lifted the ban on my entry to the United States in early 1994 Sinn Féin have had to work with a number of US Presidents who we strongly disagreed with in relation to the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, their support for Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people, and the blockade of Cuba. We raised our objections publicly and with each of them and will continue to do so with this President.
“Sinn Féin’s priority now and at all times is to advance Ireland’s national interests, most especially the peace process and the demand for Irish re-unification. We are also very mindful that the Saint Patrick’s Day celebrations are bigger than President Trump. It is the biggest event in the Irish American calendar.”
Posted by Jim on
Trevor Ringland blames the conflict in Ireland on some endemic character flaw, denying Ireland’s population ‘the common sense to live in peace with one another and with their neighbours’. How dare I advocate what Theresa Villiers termed a ‘pernicious counter narrative’, blaming benevolent Britain for anything?
Mr. Ringland says the 1920 Government of Ireland Act put ‘constitutional matters on this island in the hands of the Irish’. Why not begin with how Ireland’s inability to live in peace with their neighbours necessitated an English invasion, approved by an English Pope, to help the Irish practice religion? Irish character flaws made Britain follow up with the Penal Laws, Cromwell etc, teaching the Irish how to live in peace with their neighbours.
The British ‘put matters in Irish hands’ by executing patriots who proclaimed national independence in 1916, answering an overwhelming all-Ireland vote ratifying all-Ireland independence with Black and Tan terror and carving out the largest area they could hold, based on sectarian hegemony. Those voting British rule got a veto. The democratic majority got threatened with ‘immediate and terrible war’.
Westminster prohibited religious discrimination. Why fault Britain for condemning nationalists to a half-century as victims of discrimination in Britain’s Orange State? Mr. Ringland claims that ‘those problems were addressed after the Civil Rights campaign’. They certainly were ‘addressed’, by those like DUP founder Ian Paisley and the RUC, at places like Burntollet Bridge and Duke Street. However Internment, the Ballymurphy Massacre and shooting down civil rights marchers on Bloody Sunday ‘addressed’ such problems in a way that convinced many that British rule would not heed moral appeals.
British collusion with loyalist criminals in sectarian murders, says Mr. Ringland, ‘is not supported by the facts’. Panorama’s Britain’s Secret Terror Deals, books like Lethal Allies, studies by Relatives for Justice, the Da Silva review and accounts in this newspaper support the facts of collusion. But why entertain facts which indict Britain? I would not trouble readers with such inconvenient facts, except this mindset is at the heart of the breakdown at Stormont today.
Mr. Ringland is correct that I believe Westminster serves English interests. Brexit, austerity, the denial of legacy funding etc. were not designed to help in Ireland. My aspiration is a United Ireland governed in Irish interests, which gives equal rights to Mr. Ringland, and all of its people, and is not subordinate to British interests, partition or an institutionalised sectarian hegemony. The flaw in Ireland is not any endemic Irish defect but the myopia of those who blame Ireland for problems caused by British rule.
Posted by Jim on February 5, 2017
Who was Molly Malone? . . . That is a very good question, a question that has had many historians baffled, and continues to be debated by experts in this field for many a decade. Stranger than fiction, an inspiration to many millions of people all over the world, not only for her singing of “Cockles and Muscles” as she plied her fish wares, but for her beauty. Molly Malone and “Cockles and Muscles” cause many an Irish emigrants heart to weep, for that nostalgic magic has wooed the Irish and their descendants back to Ireland since they first began to emigrate, in this particular case, back to Dublin.
Some sources would suggest that Molly Malone [all of 17 years of age] was indeed a historical figure who trod this earth approximately 300 years ago. These same sources ascribe her a father and mother called Patrick and Coleen Malone. Other sources would suggest that she is the illegitimate child of a nobleman and a poor Irish seamstress. She lived in Howth or Dublin [in the tenements in Moore Street] depending on which sources one reads. Yet no records exist as to where she was born or indeed where she resided, only vague mentions of Howth or Dublin. This on its own means nothing, as in this era, it would be months, maybe years before the parents or guardians of a newborn child would get around to registering a birth, if at all. The impact this young woman had on those who knew her, was so great that she was known all over Dublin and it would appear, way beyond the boundaries of Dublin and the Irish shores.
She was like a ray of sunshine, growing up in the poverty and depravity-stricken streets of Dublin, where she became known.
As she pushed her wheelbarrow through the narrow streets of Dublin, her delicate figure with long auburn hair blowing in the wind, her melodious voice singing of “cockles and muscles” and her skirts swirling around her with the grace of a queen, she plied her trade and was a sight to behold, even in the mean tenement streets of Dublin. Yet this song was published first in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1883 by the Francis brothers. [Molly, by the way, is said to have died in 1699.] The song was published by Day in London in 1884, and composed by James Yorkston in Edinburgh, with yet other versions being copied over the years, not least by our own Irish balladeers – The Dubliners, Sinéad O’Connor, The Celtic Horitzer Folk Band, and others. Some sources suggest that “Cockles and Muscles” is based on a very similar tragic mode of popular music in this era, much like, “Oh my Darling Clementine” in 1880. Sources also suggest that while Molly Malone may or may not have been a historical figure, the song was attributed to her only because it had Dublin in its name.
Other sources would suggest that she may have plied more than her wares of fish by day, however, as daylight fell over the mean streets of Dublin. Many believe she plied another ware . . . herself. This too was common in this era because of the immense poverty in those days where young women were forced to sell their beauty to strangers in order to survive.
Her beauty and her grace, some suggest, won over the heart of a young man called Timothy Pendleton, who cared not one jot for how Molly Malone made her living as he was very much in love with this Dublin colleen. Timothy made a meager living by playing a fiddle as a busker on the streets of Dublin and fell in love with Molly, meeting her every day at the same place where she plied her wares. This source suggests that one day when Molly did not turn up to meet him, he went looking for her.
Racing across all of the narrow streets of Dublin in haste, he knew that something must be amiss when Molly had not turned up to meet him. Alas, he was too late, as he came upon a crowd of people, standing, weeping and wailing, where a body was lying prostrate on the ground. People were attending to her, tears running down their faces — there was his Molly. She had died of a fever, the song goes, infected by one of her clients with cholera. A Father Finnegan of nearby Saint Bart’s had been informed, and he, too, was present as he administered the last rites of the Catholic Church to Molly where she lay.
With howling grief and gnashing of teeth, the people of the tenements stood wrapped in each other’s arms; in grief, some attending to her body and others just wailing as they watched the lifeless body of young Molly Malone being carried indoors for the mourning process which lasted three days — among them stood Timothy Pendleton, in shock and disbelief.
The funeral was attended by many thousands of people, as they came from all over Dublin and way beyond to stand weeping, trying to get a place in the nearby church, pushing and shoving to get closer to her coffin. Public houses were closed for 16 miles around as the people mourned. For weeks after the funeral, Timothy wandered the narrow streets of Dublin, unable to play his fiddle, with a glint of madness in his eyes, haggard and unable to get the sight of Molly’s prostrate body out of his mind. He made a decision, some sources would suggest, to leave Dublin because he was unable to walk around there, knowing that Molly would not be meeting him anymore. He got a job on a merchant ship sailing to Portsmouth, England. He settled there, and became quite a businessman, never playing his fiddle again.
One night, though, the urge came over him to play the fiddle, as he sat on an old wooden barrel on the docks, all alone in the dark night feeling nostalgic and lonely for his Molly Malone. “Cockles and Muscles” just appeared to roll off the fiddle before he had even touched it, and out of his mouth came Molly’s favorite song.
Then low and behold out of the dark night came the shadow of his beautiful Molly Malone . . . As she appeared before him, he could not believe it! He asked, “Is it you Molly, why have you come back?” She told him that she had heard him play her song, and wanted to tell him how much she loved him, kissing him on the lips, to let him know that it was her. … As he continued to play, she faded away… and the fiddle kept playing and he kept singing:
In Dublin’s fair city, where the girls are so pretty
I first set my eyes on sweet Molly Malone
As she wheeled her wheelbarrow
Through streets broad and narrow
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
She was a fish-monger, but sure ’twas no wonder
For so were her father and mother before
And they each wheeled their barrow
Through streets broad and narrow
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
She died of a fever, and no one could save her
And that was the end of sweet Molly Malone
But her ghost wheels her barrow
Through streets broad and narrow
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!
Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!
However, the last word on this particular article must go to Sean Murphy, a noted genealogist-historian-lecturer:
Molly Malone attracted attention in Dublin only because the song was attributed to Dublin. Before the creation of the bizarre legend that Molly Malone was a real person who lived in the seventeenth century, many people were under the impression that she was, in fact, a fishmonger in a Victorian setting, and this is indeed the Molly Malone portrayed on the cover of Walton’s 1920 or 1930s edition of [the sheet music for] ‘Cockles and Mussels,’ set in a silhouette of Nelson’s Column in the background, with a handcart. This nineteenth-century figure would have formed a better basis for a statue of a fishmonger. The Grafton Street sculpture is so false, both in its setting and form, that it might be better if it were removed to save the city further ridicule and replaced by an authentic statue of Molly in nineteenth-century dress, sited perhaps, in the Moore Street area where Molly’s present-day successors, fruit and fish-sellers, now ply their trade. But, sure, what harm is there in a few liberties with the truth, and, isn’t it nice to have an attractive fake when so much of the real heritage of Dublin has been destroyed.
A man it would appear who was not afraid to pull any punches then is this historian!
So it would appear that although all kinds of inference have been made in connection with the song “Molly Malone,” which does not bear any resemblance to the now familiar Molly Malone character that we have all come to know and love, it has not stopped — we Irish having claimed her and the song as our own.
The Molly Malone statue in Grafton Street was presented to Dublin City by Jury’s Hotel Group to mark the Millennium. It was unveiled by then-Mayor of Dublin Ben Briscoe during the Millennium, with June 13th being declared as Molly Malone Day. The statue was relocated to Suffolk Street on July 18th, 2014, to make way for the Luas track-laying work to be completed.
Since the Molly Malone statue has gone on display it has been groped repeatedly — enough so that its bronze hue has begun to wear off on the bosom!!
A copy of Apollo’s Medley, dating to around 1790 that was published in Doncaster, in the U.K., was rediscovered in 2010, and this publication contains the song “Sweet Molly Malone,“ on Page 78 — the last line of the song is “Och! I’ll roar and I’ll groan, My Sweet Molly Malone, till I’m bone of your bone, and asleep in your bed…
The song was later reprinted in a collection titled “The Shamrock, a Collection of Irish Songs .” Later that year it was published in The Edinburgh literary journal and titled “Molly Malone.”
Posted by Jim on
Irish News Editorial. Belfast. Saturday, January 28, 2017
The Lord Chief Justice, in a speech to the Victims and Survivors Forum yesterday, made no attempt to mask his considerable dismay at the lack of progress in dealing with legacy cases in Northern Ireland.
Sir Declan Morgan’s exasperation was apparent in the tone of his remarks, saying that the past 12 months have been `a wasted year.’
He added that we are now in a `period of inaction’ that will carry through until the end of March at the very least and it is unclear when there will be an opportunity to move forward.
This was a deeply disheartening message for the victims and survivors of our troubled past to hear but it is not the first time that the north’s most senior judge has spoken out on this issue.
Once again, Sir Declan expressed disappointment at the lack of a response to his request for funding but rightly pointed out that this is an even greater blow for families who have already been waiting decades in some instances.
The DUP is being blamed for blocking funds and it is notable that the party is now trying to divert attention away from RHI and instead is trying to make the potential prosecution of British soldiers who served during the Troubles an election issue.
The Lord Chief Justice rejected any suggestion that he was giving priority to cases holding the state to account rather than paramilitaries, insisting that he is determined to deliver outcomes for all victims and survivors.
This week, another senior legal figure, Director of Public Prosecutions Barra McGrory, also hit back at those questioning his impartiality amid claims that a `witch-hunt’ is being pursued against ex-military personnel.
As Mr McGrory pointed out, there have been only three decisions involving former soldiers in recent times, two resulting in prosecution and one that did not.
Comments by former Tory minister Gerald Howarth, who used parliamentary privilege to accuse Mr McGrory of `supporting’ Sinn Féin, are deeply disturbing.
For families waiting for truth and justice, further delays in resolving these important matters are profoundly dispiriting.
Hopes had been raised after a senior judge reviewed legacy cases and the judiciary took control of these much delayed inquests.
It is politics, not the legal system, which is blocking progress.
Sir Declan said yesterday that in the absence of additional resources for a Legacy Inquest Unit, it would be decades before all outstanding cases are completed.
This is plainly unacceptable and it is imperative that the legal authorities are allowed to get on with this work.
Posted by Jim on February 3, 2017
PSNI police chief George Hamilton has responded defiantly after the
Supreme Court in London finally confirmed that the PSNI were wrong in
their decision not to stop intimidatory loyalist flag protest marches
four years ago.
There were widespread disturbances across Belfast in December 2012 after
councillors voted to no longer fly the British Union Jack flag every day
of the year.
At the height of the protests, the PSNI adopted a hands-off approach to
loyalist aggression as mobs blocked roads, rioted and held scores of
illegal ‘protest parades’. The largest of the parades travelled weekly
from east Belfast to the city centre, and involved mass violence and
intimidation against those living in the nationalist estates they passed
The violence was allowed to continue for months with minimal
interference from the PSNI, creating one of the biggest controversies
over sectarian policing in recent years. The PSNI claimed at the time
that they were prevented from taking action because of legislation
protecting the loyalists’ right to protest.
They said there was no “clarity” on the situation, while the then PSNI
Chief Matt Baggott himself said “human rights” was the reason the
disorder could not be prevented. Nationalists viewed the policing
decision as political and an attempt to appease loyalist paramilitaries.
After a case was taken against the PSNI by one affected nationalist
resident, a High Court judge said in 2014 that the police should not
have allowed the parades to take place. However, this was challenged by
the PSNI and the matter ended up in the Supreme Court, Britain’s highest
court, which found unanimously this week that the PSNI was wrong.
“The police failed to recognise that the integrity of that [parades]
system depended on the enforcement of the requirement to notify an
intention to hold a parade,” it said. “It is the police, not the Parades
Commission, who have the responsibility for preventing un-notified
parades from taking place.”
Lawyer Padraig O Muirigh, who represented the resident who brought the
legal challenge, said the ruling clarifies the law and powers available
to police and has “wide-ranging implications for the policing of
unnotified and illegal parades in the future”
SDLP justice spokesperson Alex Attwood described the court ruling as
“The PSNI had an inescapable duty to prevent, where possible, what was
plainly illegal,” he said.
East Belfast Sinn Fein representative Mairead O’Donnell said her
community had been “under siege” from illegal parades during the flag
“I commend the local resident who has pursued this case through the
courts on behalf of all the people of Short Strand. For months the
people of the Short Strand had to endure parades passing through our
area related to the loyalist flags protest,” she said.
“Essentially the community was under siege from these illegal parades.
The community challenged the PSNI to do something about it but they
She added: “(The) judgement from the Supreme Court found that the PSNI
had to power to stop these parades all along but they failed to do so.
The PSNI got it wrong and the community in the Short Strand suffered.”
In a mealy-mouthed response, current PSNI chief George Hamilton
apologised to those “inconvenienced by this parade” but said he would
not necessarily issue different orders if similar trouble broke out
“It gives clarity but it also identifies the importance of police
operational discretion,” he said. “So this judgment is not saying every
time there is an un-notified parade the police should stop it.”
Posted by Jim on
Crowds of local people joined a diverse range of activists and bands at
the Bloody Sunday March for Justice on Sunday. Relatives of those
killed and representatives from the wounded led the march, carrying 14
white crosses to symbolise those who lost their lives on Bloody Sunday.
Under blue skies, the marchers made their along the traditional route
into the Bogside with banners and flags carrying political, human
rights, trade union and environmental messages.
At Free Derry Corner, Damien ‘Bubbles’ Donaghy, who was shot on Bloody
Sunday, read out the names of those killed and wounded on January 30,
Kate Nash, whose brother William was shot dead on Bloody Sunday, and
whose father Alexander was shot and wounded as he tried to reach his
teenage son, addressed the crowds from the lorry set up in front of
Free Derry Corner.
A rendition of ‘We Shall Overcome’ was performed during the rally at
Free Derry Corner.
Ms Nash said that seven years ago there was attempts to shut the march
down but that did “that did not sit well with us”.
“We felt that the battle had not been won,” she said. “We knew the
Bloody Sunday victims deserved more. Here we are today still on this
platform demanding justice for the families of Bloody Sunday.
“The Bloody Sunday murder investigation has recently been completed and
sent to the Public Prosecution Service. So we await their decision.
Meanwhile the British government are beavering away and talking about
bringing in legislation to protect their soldiers — they don’t believe
old age pensioners should face prosecution.
“One law for them and another one for us. There you have it, a
government that is giving their army a license to murder.”
Ms. Nash referred to others fighting for justice, including the
families of the Ballymurphy victims, the families of Seamus Bradley and
Daniel Hegarty who were killed during Operation Motorman, the family of
“All these innocent people cry out for justice. The list goes on and
There were cheers and shouts of ‘Free Tony Taylor’ as Ms Nash mentioned
“He was taken from his family almost a year ago. No reason was given by
the authorities, nor indeed to Tony’s legal representation. No
indication whatever, a clear abuse of power by the British government,
but we are used to that aren’t we?”
Earlier on Sunday, all the Bloody Sunday families came together for a
short commemoration at a monument at Rossville Street in Derry.
During the service, Gerry Duddy, brother of Jackie Duddy, paid tribute
to the people of Derry and those from around the world who have
supported them in their fight for justice over the decades.
“You understood our pain and anguish, you shared our frustration as we
campaigned for truth, you shared our hopes that justice would
eventually prevail,” he said.
“Today we thank our families and supporters far and wide. We could not
have achieved any of this without you.”
Mr Duddy said the families particularly wanted to pay tribute to the
late Bishop Edward Daly “who was a great friend to all of us in the
years since Bloody Sunday and a great strength to the families in times
“Bishop Daly will be sorely missed by this city,” Mr Duddy said.
‘PROSECUTIONS MUST GO AHEAD’
He said: “What people fail to realise is that soldiers must be
investigated now because they were never investigated in the past. Over
300 State killings here, only four soldiers were ever convicted of
murder, all of whom were released early, some promoted.
“Elements within the legal system are attempting to protect the very
soldiers who broke the law to murder and maim on Irish soil. We demand
that those who murdered our civilians and loved ones be prosecuted in a
court of law. This responsibility now lies with the Public Prosecution
Service. We say to them do the right thing. Prosecute those who
murdered without guilt or remorse. Justice must be seen to be done. Do
Mickey McKinney, whose brother Willie was also murdered on Bloody
Sunday, said that 45 years on, time was a major factor in securing
justice. “I want them in court, and all the other relatives want them
in court,” he said. “Time is marching on. That’s one of the main
factors in the whole process.”
In a provocative act, a number of former British soldiers in the north
of Ireland staged a protest at Westminster on the 45th anniversary of
the 1972 killings. The move was described as offensive by the Bloody
Trust chairman, Robin Percival said the timing of the protest was not
coincidental. “They can’t have failed to notice that the end of January
is the anniversary of one of the most notorious massacres carried out
by their colleagues. The timing is deliberate and is intended to
offend,” he said.
At the protest, soldiers claimed the recent naming of the paratrooper
who in 1971 killed Henry Thornton, an innocent van driver and
father-of-six, and the planned prosecution of two soldiers for the
cold-blooded killing of OIRA Vol. Joe McCann in 1972, are examples of
“bias” against them.
They have also claimed that up to 90% of the PSNI legacy investigations
is focused on killings by the Crown forces — however, figures revealed
this week show such investigations account for only about 30% of the
PSNI legacy workload.
In addition, no member of the Crown forces have been jailed since the
1998 peace deal, although several republicans have been convicted and
imprisoned for pre-1998 offences, or have been interned as a result.
The soldiers’ claims were controversially backed up by Britain’s
governor in the North of Ireland. James Brokenshire wrote in a
newspaper column that investigations into killings during the conflict
are “disproportionately” focusing on members of the Crown forces.
His comments appear to reflect a harder line in recent weeks by his
government in the wake of the collapse of the powersharing institutions
at Stormont. It was also apparent in a deliberate snub by the British
Direct Ruler at a Gaelic sports event when he was seen to avoid beng
present during the playing of the Irish national anthem.
John Kelly, whose 17-year-old brother Michael was shot dead when the
parachute regiment opened fire in Derry on 30 January 1972, described
Brokenshire’s comments as scandalous.
“Over 300 civilians have been murdered by the British Army over the
years and out of those 300 cases only four soldiers have ever been
prosecuted for any wrongdoing,” he said.
“It baffles me when the Secretary of State, who supposedly represents
all the people of this part of the world, comes out with a scandalous
statement like that, he should be ashamed of himself.”
Posted by Jim on
The British government appears to be planning a return of customs
controls across the Six County border and may even be hoping to push
all of Ireland out of the EU following hardline statements on its
Brexit plans this week.
In an outline of its plans published in a White Paper, the Tories
showed their intention that the north of Ireland will be taken out of
the EU single market and customs union. Experts have said this will
inevitably require the introduction of checkpoints at the border.
British governor in the North, James Brokenshire said that his
government will look at addressing “individual issues” for the North of
Ireland during Brexit negotiations, but described calls for the Six
Counties to have special status to allow them to remain inside the EU
customs union as the “wrong approach”.
The British stance has generated frustration amid a growing sense of
“This position does little in our view to deal with the disastrous
political, social and economic impact Brexit will have on our interests
here on the island of Ireland,” said Sinn Fein’s Michell O’Neill.
British prime minister Theresa May’s visited Dublin for an effective
photocall with Irish Taoiseach Enda Kenny last Monday, but only after
refusing an invitation to address the Dublin parliament . Her
description of future border arrangements as “frictionless” reinforced
concerns that her government has already begun to gently promote the
return of border controls.
Two EU customs and international trade experts, Michael Lux and Eric
Pickett this week told a Westminster committee that the British
PM was using “nice words” — but that the Dublin government would be
forced to implement full EU customs checks, with all the necessary
Some MPs expressed shock when Mr Lux gave another example of problems
that would arise post-Brexit. “If a Northern Ireland person has a walk
and takes its dog over the border there are specific rules on what kind
of document you have to have,” he told the committee. “You need a
specific document – if you bring a horse riding you also need a specific
Commentators believe Britain might now be intending to put the 26 County
state in the position of having to choose between reinforcing the
implementation of partition, which could prove politically devastating,
or leaving the EU.
Ms O’Neill said she met Theresa May on Monday but that she “did not
listen” to her concerns. She warned aspirations for a friction-free
Brexit “do not mean anything in practice” and again called for the north
of Ireland to be accorded special status within the EU.
“What we are very sure of is the implications of a hard Brexit are going
to mean a hard border – a soft border is a nonsense,” she said. “So the
implications are severe.”
Sinn Fein has pointed to the example of Greenland, which secured a
special deal after it left the European Community in 1985 covering
fisheries. Mrs O’Neill told an event in Belfast: “We are not looking to
recreate the wheel. This is something that has been done elsewhere.
Other states have had opportunity to have special designated status. We
are asking for the same.”
There were also deep implications for the peace process after the
Supreme Court in London controversially recognised the sovereignty of
the Westminster parliament above the result of the Brexit referendum —
both for the British jurisdiction as a whole and for the individual
devolved regions, including the Six Counties.
The judgement overrules that section of the Good Friday Agreement which
states that the consent of those within the Six County area is required
for a change in its constitutional status.
Ms O’Neill called for he political, constitutional and institutional
integrity of the Good Friday Agreement to be “fully defended”.
“It is clear that Tory Government is seeking to impose Brexit against
the will of the people in the north and of the people of Scotland. The
Tory Government have effectively set aside the democratic process to
pursue their own narrow political agenda,” she said.
Des Dalton of Republican Sinn Fein said the ruling had emphasised that
powers of national sovereignty are “vested in the British imperial
parliament at Westminster” while the Six County state is regarded as
merely another region under its rule.
“The British Supreme Court Ruling exposes the reality that the British
government’s supposed concern for the ‘will of the majority within
Northern Ireland’ is subservient to the interests of the imperial
parliament at Westminster,” he said.
Posted by Jim on February 2, 2017
“Nearly two decades ago the [Unionist/Protestant] political majority here showed no warmth or bitter hostility to an agreement that brought the IRA’s political wing in from the cold. As for awarding the Irish identity of Nationalists equal status with Britishness, that notion went right by most Unionists and infuriated others. …
Fionnuala O’ Connor. Irish News. Belfast. Tuesday, January 31, 2017
SECRETARY of State James Brokenshire weighed in at the weekend on behalf of the DUP, with his bogus complaint that disproportionate focus on security force killings rewrites history, a standard Arlene Foster line.
It was such bare-faced departure from the pretence to be above internal Northern Ireland politics that it surely confirmed the sense that Stormont2 Phase2 is a goner.
Foster with replacement for Martin McGuinness Michelle O’Neill headed for Cardiff on Monday to meet a jet-lagged Theresa May, amid quibbling about no-longer first minister Foster’s standing in talks, O’Neill as still-entitled health minister allegedly fine. Does it matter?
How the story so far has worked out would now suggest a long pause before Stormont2 Phase3 gets going, if it ever does. We might as well say S2P2 and S2P3. After all the McGuinness-Foster combo renamed themselves The Executive Office or TEO. Though who noticed they were no longer the OffimDiffim (Office of the First and Deputy First Minister although was that capital D or small d?).
The one lasting significance is that McGuinness has retired. His departure, like his time as political frontman, cannot be re-run. Sinn Féin cannot squeeze out of voters, potential voters and the wider population another ounce of genuine sympathy for the ailing Derryman and they would be daft to try.
He took them, The North and a political lego-structure through a long ten years. Nobody else could have done it, and apart from his personal efforts like that moment on the Stormont steps with Sir Hugh Orde and Peter Robinson, much of the decade doesn’t bear re-examination.
After the 50-year long Stormont1 the brief power-sharing of 1974 doesn’t count as a Stormont2. From the start it was painfully clear that only the splits among anti-power-sharers gave Brian Faulkner-led unionists any status. Ask any nationalist old enough what they remember – apart from unionist shouting, the loyalist strike and the Dublin and Monaghan bombings – and chances are it will be Faulkner and SDLP leader Gerry Fitt in propaganda mode smiling at each other, an uninspiring spectacle.
The equivalent flashback this time around would be the Ian Paisley/McGuinness smiles. The DUP forced Paisley out because he overdid the jollity as well as being well past retirement age but the chuckling also harmed McGuinness. Few beyond conflict resolution study circles bought the proposition of a reformed old hate-monger teamed with evolved IRA boss. Though some became sentimental again over the past weeks about the DUP’s first leader. But others recall very well how he enjoyed referring to McGuinness as ‘the deputy’, as though his own position was that of a prime minister, the Sinn Féiner his subordinate sidekick.
McGuinness routinely smiled as though amused by the slight and placed a tactful, younger-relative-like hand under Paisley’s elbow. It was more pleasant to observe, even including the slight, than Stormont2 Phase1 Ulster Unionist David Trimble paired with the SDLP’s Seamus Mallon and then Mark Durkan. Neither with a paramilitary past, both of whom had already absorbed months of Trimble bad manners during negotiations.
Trimble just as much as Paisley gave himself prime ministerial airs and had an aversion to the words ‘power-sharing’ and ‘parity of esteem.’ Just under half of unionists who voted in the 1998 referendum thought the Good Friday Agreement was bad and unworkable. Just over half voted for it. The GFA claimed overall support north and south because northern nationalists cheered it, with a healthy turnout in the south. But that unionist split was deep, lasting, corrosive.
Nearly two decades ago the political majority here showed no warmth or bitter hostility to an agreement that brought the IRA’s political wing in from the cold. As for awarding the Irish identity of Nationalists equal status with Britishness, that notion went right by most Unionists and infuriated others.
Nationalists and Republicans, a long-disheartened minority newly enchanted by possibility, came whistling up the steps as though they had always wanted a new Stormont. Unionists though it unworkable, and gave it no more than their presence. And guess what: Northern Ireland looks incapable of becoming a state agreed by unionists and nationalists, unworkable. That argument has a whole new wind behind it.
Jeffrey Donaldson, who walked out just as Trimble okayed the GFA, fancies direct rule from Westminster. Colum Eastwood, with two governments uninterested to the point of hostility, wants joint Irish-British authority. And Sinn Féin? Likeable, open-faced O’Neill lacks the IRA past that silenced doubts. The McGuinness team stayed signed up out of deference. This election is only an interval.
Posted by Jim on
Pat Finucane Center. Derry City.Wednesday, February 1, 2017
*Victims tortured in UK in 1972 speak out for first time * Both waterboarded and one given electric shocks
* New documents prove British and Irish governments were aware of allegations at prime ministerial level
* Damning MoD memo obtained by Channel 4 News from 1976 refers to an arrest in 1972 by the army and subsequent interrogation at Holywood Barracks. Memo concludes: “A court is likely to award exemplary damages to mark the improper use of executive power.”
Tonight on Channel 4 News two victims who say they were tortured in the UK talk for the first time about their experience at the hands of British Army.
Moreover, for the first time some accounts are backed by official documents providing new evidence of what both British and Irish governments knew at the highest level.
The documents prove the British authorities knew they were exceeding their power and they knew they had to keep it from the courts and the media.
One victim describes to Channel 4 News, being taken to a school in West Belfast where he claims the Parachute regiment had set up a torture center. It was in 1972 at the height of The Troubles.
“I recognized them by their berets.
“They tied a towel round my face. I was laid down. They poured water over it and you just felt, well, this is it. This is the end. You’re gonna die. It was like you were suffocating.”
The words of Donald Trump have hit him hard:
“When I hear Donald Trump talk about waterboarding he makes it sound like it’s some kind of extreme sport. That is disgusting. It’s a horrifying thing. But it’s the hypocrisy of the British government that gets me, pretending like they’d never do that kind of thing.”
Concerns about waterboarding reached the highest levels of government. A memo records the then Irish Prime Minister Jack Lynch discussing the allegations with then Prime Minster Ted Heath, about a separate case. The minutes said
“…he had been forced to lie on his back on the floor, a wet towel had been placed over his head, and water had been poured over it to give him the impression that he would be suffocated…”
Another waterboarding victim has also spoken to Channel 4 News, on condition of anonymity. He still appears traumatized by what happened, back in 1972.
He was never charged, still less convicted, of any criminal offence.
He was taken to Andersonstown police station (now demolished) and assaulted. Then he was moved to another police station where he says his head was repeatedly immersed in water.
A contemporaneous memo from the Ministry of Defense says of this man:
“I think we must accept counsel’s advice that he was assaulted… having been subjected to electric shock treatment and having had his head immersed in water for prolonged periods of time…”
The memo outlines how The MoD is desperate to avoid unwanted publicity about this case and settle out of court.
The man says he received a payment of several hundred pounds. But what has traumatized him more than anything, he says, were the electric shocks torture he says he received:
“There was a man in charge to my right. He gave the orders to several other soldiers in the room. They made me hold small paddle-like objects in each hand attached to wires.”
“Then I heard this cranking noise behind me. Like someone winding up a machine. Suddenly there was this blinding flash in the middle of my head. It felt like my brain was exploding.”
After several hours he was dumped from an army vehicle at the roadside. He was never charged with any offence.
Channel 4 News has seen another internal legal document from The MoD seeking to avoid court action and adverse publicity in another case involving electronic torture.
This memo is dated 15 December 1976 and refers to an arrest in February 1972 by the army and subsequent interrogation at Holywood Barracks. This memo states:
” (name redacted) alleges that he was subjected to electric shock treatment. Our Counsel advises that there is no prospect of a meaningful defense to this…”
The memo then arrives at a devastating conclusion that the state knew it was exceeding its powers.
The documents came to light through the Pat Finucane Centre – an Irish human rights research organization. – Director Paul O’Connor told Channel 4 News:
“A country which condones torture is diminished in the eyes of the world. A Government which covers up evidence of torture is diminished in the eyes of its own citizens.”
Tonight a government spokesperson said:“The UK government considers torture or inhuman treatment to be an abhorrent violation of human rights and human dignity, and consistently and unreservedly condemns the practice. It would not be appropriate to comment further on specific allegations.”
Posted by Jim on
President Trump promised in his campaign to crackdown on immigration, pledging to “keep immigration levels, measured by population share, within historical norms.” During the first week of his new administration he’s come good on many of the promises he made to his supporters while on the campaign trail last year. The president signed several executive orders, including one on immigration that sparked protests worldwide.
For Irish professionals the H-1 B visa is especially important. Between 2010-2015 approximately 3,200 H-1B visas were issued to Irish citizens, according to expert Simon Gillespie. This visa represents the only chance for many people to move legally to the US.
However, a California congresswoman is proposing that the minimum wage for a prospective H-1B employee be increased to an annual $130,000 and this would, if enacted, represent a major roadblock for skilled Irish graduates hoping to come to the United States and make a living over here.
In light of the changing landscape of immigration in the US over the past two weeks, we look at the various types of immigrants and visa-holders who are currently in or hoping to move to the US, many of which groups will include Irish citizens. Although his most recent executive orders on immigration do not look to have a large direct impact on Irish immigrants, in particular, Trump’s choices now could be seen as a sign of even stricter regulations to come and these will undoubtedly have a greater effect on Irish people living and working in the US.
Here’s what the Trump administration means for immigrants in America today:
Last week, President Trump signed a sweeping executive order that holds back federal funds from the nation’s 140 sanctuary cities. People engaged in law enforcement in sanctuary cities, like Boston and New York, do not comply with federal rules surrounding immigration and never ask people for proof of their right to live in the United States. However, from now on, “Jurisdictions that willfully refuse to comply are not eligible to receive Federal grants, except as deemed necessary for law enforcement purposes by the attorney general or the secretary.”
Mayors in many sanctuary cities have already said they won’t comply with the Executive Order. “Our police department is not enforcing federal immigration policy,” Salt Lake City Mayor Jackie Biskupski told the media. “The Salt Lake City Police Department has a longstanding practice against officers inquiring about the immigration status of those they come in contact with on a day-to-day basis.”
However, other cities, such as Miami-Dade are ready to comply, and from now on immigrants who come into contact with the police in those cities may be asked to prove they have the right to live and work in the United States.
“What we are going to do is get the people that are criminal and have criminal records, gang members, drug dealers, where a lot of these people, probably 2 million, it could be even 3 million, we are getting them out of our country or we are going to incarcerate,” he said.
Anyone in the United States who entered without passing through a border inspection committed a criminal offense and as such would likely fall into the 2 million Trump wants to deport as a priority.
While campaigning, Trump said that he wanted all undocumented immigrants to leave the United States. “If they’ve done well they’re going out and they’re coming back in legally,” he said. However, since then he has gone quiet on those without criminal records, instead focusing his wrath on undocumented immigrants with criminal records. Trump’s Press Secretary Sean Spicer last week confirmed to the press that the plan to deport 2-3 million early on in the administration is still in place and that criminals will be the first ones targeted.
Ireland’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Charlie Flanagan said he was aware of the new Executive Order and monitoring the situation, “Our embassy in Washington, DC and our consulates remain in active and ongoing contact with Irish immigration centers throughout the United States. My department will continue to monitor the developments in this area very closely.”
Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Enda Kenny raised the issue of the undocumented with Irish American Vice President Pence soon after the election but has not revealed publicly Pence’s thinking on the issue.
People who were brought to the United States illegally as children, so-called DREAMers after the failed Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act that sought to give them a pathway to citizenship, are still in limbo. The estimated 750,000 such individuals have yet to be told what fate awaits them.
Trump opposed the DREAM Act as a candidate but made it clear that he sympathized with the people it targeted. “They got brought here at a very young age. They’ve worked here; they’ve gone to school here. Some were good students. Some have wonderful jobs. And they’re in never-never land because they don’t know what’s going to happen,” he told TIME.
White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer refused to comment on the issue at a press briefing, but in December the then president-elect cryptically said, “We’re going to work something out that’s going to make people happy and proud.”
Trump’s campaign pledged to end the J-1 visa that thousands of young Irish people use to work temporarily in the United States. College students can use it to find seasonal summer work in the US before returning home and graduates may spend up to a year interning in a field related to their degree.
The program was controversially attacked by the New York Times in 2015 as “a source of embarrassment for Ireland, marked by a series of high-profile episodes involving drunken partying and the wrecking of apartments in places like San Francisco and Santa Barbara.” The newspaper’s comments came after the deaths of five Irish students in Berkeley, CA, who died when they balcony collapsed in the apartment where they were celebrating a 21st birthday party. The five students were in the US for the summer on J-1 visas.
The visa has also been the subject of some criticism for the manner in which young international students can be brought to the country, paid below minimum wage and housed in sub-standard conditions, used as seasonal workers and, potentially, replace US employees. Vocativ reports that although it costs the average J-1 student around $3,000 to come to the US, many of them earn less than the minimum wage while here, with au pairs earning as little as $10,179 a year.
In 2013, NPR also reported on the poor employment and accommodation conditions of a number of foreign college students working for McDonald’s, seven of whom were housed in a basement, sleeping in bunk beds and given just 25 hours a week to work but required to stay on call at all times—far from the educational cultural exchange model on which the J-1 program was originally established.
Trump’s website promised voters that the visa would be “terminated and replaced with a resume bank for inner city youth provided to all corporate subscribers.”
However, after he won the election the pledge mysteriously vanished from his website.
While reform may be needed to ensure that J-1 students at least receive the minimum wage while in the US, some doubt he’ll follow up. Boston Lawyer Larry Donnelly told Irish radio last year, “I wouldn’t put a lot of credence in what Trump says. The J-1 is a fantastic vehicle for promoting international relations.”Enda Kenny has pledged to lobby the new Administration on the issue. “I’d hate to see that go,” he told IrishCentral at a press conference in New York just after Trump’s election. “I think the J-1 has been an incredible opportunity and a brilliant example of connecting with different countries and cultures for young people. I’d like to think we could work together to develop that for the future.”
The H-1B visa has also been earmarked for change by the new President. Now a bill introduced by Representative Zoe Lofgren of California seeks to double the salary requirements for an H-1B to $130,000. This would cause huge problems for the thousands of Irish who seek the visa.
According to Lofgren, the High-Skilled Integrity and Fairness Act of 2017 would curtail abuse of the program which has facilitated the replacement of American workers with cheaper H-1B workers. In several recent incidents, high-profile U.S. employers including Disney, Southern California Edison, and, most recently, the University of California San Francisco, have made news in this manner.
“My legislation refocuses the H-1B program to its original intent – to seek out and find the best and brightest from around the world, and to supplement the U.S. workforce with talented, highly-paid, and highly-skilled workers who help create jobs here in America, not replace them,” said Lofgren. “It offers a market-based solution that gives priority to those companies willing to pay the most. This ensures American employers have access to the talent they need, while removing incentives for companies to undercut American wages and outsource jobs.”
The High-Skilled Integrity and Fairness Act of 2017 prioritizes a market-based allocation of visas to those companies willing to pay 200% of a wage calculated by survey, eliminates the category of lowest pay, and raises the salary level at which H-1B dependent employers are exempt from nondisplacement and recruitment attestation requirements to greater than $130,000.
The visa is used by US employers to sponsor foreign workers with certain specific skills sets and allows users to stay for three to six years. Trump had previously used it to bring models into the country but changed his mind as a candidate. “I will end forever the use of the H-1B as a cheap labor program, and institute an absolute requirement to hire American workers first for every visa and immigration program. No exceptions,” he said in March last year.
Unlike the J-1, no one is talking about abolishing the H-1B visa but it seems likely that numbers will be slashed and the lottery system that awards it could be changed to prioritize those immigrants with advanced educational qualifications and/or higher salaries.
Trump has also toyed with the idea of no longer granting green cards to “foreign workers abroad.” He never outlined his exact proposals, but that could mean he plans to end the Green Card Lottery that grants 50,000 visas to people from countries with a low number of citizens already in the US. In 2015, 157 people from the Irish Republic gained the right to live and work in the US through this program, as well as a further 41 from Northern Ireland.
It could also mean he intends to slash the number of green cards available to the relatives of US citizens.
Posted by Jim on February 1, 2017
DUP has done the most for a united Ireland
Unionist partyâs idiocy and sleazy behavior threatens Northern Irelandâs foundations
Fintan O’Toole. Irish Times (Belfast). Tuesday, Jan 31, 2017
“DUP leader Arlene Foster gambled on Brexit.” Photograph:
Northern Ireland’s First Minister Arlene Foster releases a video message, in which she says that ‘Sinn FeÌins actions are not principled, they are political’ following Martin McGuinness’s resignation. Video: Democratic Unionist Party
Whatever else can be said about the Democratic Unionist Party, it can surely be absolved of some of the most serious charges routinely laid against it.
The DUP is not hostile to the legitimate aspirations of Irish nationalists and it is not wedded to sectarian stereotypes.
In fact, it has an extraordinarily positive record in both areas. The fact that this record is entirely accidental is no reason to be churlish.
In the first instance, the DUP has achieved more progress towards a united Ireland than any Irish political party, North or South, since partition in 1921.
Before it embarked on its Brexit spree, Northern Ireland was becoming a surprisingly stable political entity.
For the first time in its history, the Catholic minority had been largely integrated into its political structures.
The Belfast Agreement had created a settlement that protected unionism, in the medium term at least, from demographic change.
In December 2012, when census results showed that for the first time the Protestant population in Northern Ireland had fallen below 50 percent, this might have been an epochal moment. But it wasnât really.
The institutions were largely working and, for all the rhetoric, there was little appetite on either side of the Border for a radical alteration of the constitutional arrangements.
Community of minorities
Those census figures showed something else: that Northern Ireland had become, as Steven McCaffery of The Detail put it, âa community of minorities.â
It had evolved to have not the two strands of historical lore, but at least three.
The census found that 38 percent regard themselves as British, 25 percent as Irish and 20 per cent as Northern Irish.
It also found that while 41 percent identified themselves as Protestant and 40 percent as Catholic, a striking 17 percent declined to categorize themselves as either.
This diversity was the greatest long-term protection that unionists could have.
It guaranteed that there could be no majoritarian tribal victory for either side.
The real Northern Ireland was a place of multiple identities, and any future political settlement would have to reflect this complexity.
And then the DUP went to the big Brexit roulette and put all its chips on red, white and blue.
The only way to acquit the party on the charge of idiocy is to find it guilty of an enormous bluff.
It thought it could indulge itself in some ultra-British flag-waving but with no real-world consequences.
It would back Brexit and be secretly delighted when it lost.
The gambit was especially reckless for a party for whom The Union is its whole raison dâeÌtre.
The English nationalists who drove Brexit donât really care about The Union â under the rhetorical covers; they will ditch Northern Ireland and Scotland if need be.
They were playing with loose change. The DUP was playing with the deeds to its house.
It has thus done more to advance a united Ireland than the Provisional IRA managed in 30 years of mayhem.
In the short term, there is likely to be a border for the movement of people that separates the island of Ireland as a whole from the island of Britain as a whole.
However loyally British you may be, you will have to show her majestyâs passport when you land in Stranraer from Larne or in London from Belfast â but not when you drive from Newry to Dundalk.
In the longer term, the Northern Irish identity to which 20 percent of the population adheres and from which Unionism could draw its greatest comfort will be profoundly undermined because it was predicated on Northern Ireland being in the European Union.
The EU underpinned the willingness of much of the population to settle down within the current borders for the foreseeable future.
It is breathtakingly self-destructive for Unionism to withdraw that certainty.
And thatâs even before we consider how those who regarded themselves as British will feel when they go to London looking for English nationalists to make up the â¬7,533 million in direct investment from the EU into Northern Ireland since 1988 and the 87 per cent of farm incomes that come from EU subsidies.
One can but wish them the best of British luck.
As for sectarian stereotypes, it should be acknowledged that the DUP in its period in government has done more to demolish them than we puny pluralists have ever managed.
The stereotype was that Catholics were dodgy and sleazy while Protestants were straight and upright. The DUP selflessly took upon itself the task of reversing these cliches.
In the Iris Robinson affair, in the handling of Namaâs Project Eagle property deal and in the cash-for-ash scandal, it has ensured that nobody can ever again trot out the notion that Catholics bend rules while Protestants respect them without being blown over by gusts of laughter.
There used to be talk that Fianna FaÌil would establish a northern branch who knew that it would be the DUP?
Ordinarily, a party with such epic achievements would deserve to be
rewarded with a continuation in power. But in the case of the DUP, it is hard to imagine what more it could achieve in these areas. Its work is done.
Posted by Jim on January 31, 2017
“What’s the Craic?”
For Tuesday, February 7, 2017 Melbourne, Fl.
As always, the craic is at Meg O’Malley’s! We are a group dedicated to Irish culture and heritage who gather the first Tuesday of the month, between 5:00-6:30 P.M. For over five years we’ve celebrated Irish music, literature, dance, song, and folklore and we hope you will join us.
This month’s topic is a continuation of John Sullivan’s presentation of Irish instruments and dance. This evening’s talk will highlight the influence of both Irish music and dance in the United States. Don’t forget to stick around and hear the Meg’s Session Players, who play every Tuesday at 6 P.M. inside the pub. If you have a large party attending, please call for a reservation. See you there! Sláinte!
Posted by Jim on January 30, 2017
A Conservative MP and former British army officer, Bob Stewart, has said
he worked as “kind of a torturer” when he was serving in the north of
The 67-year-old said that torture is sometimes “justified”, and that
techniques such as starvation and sleep deprivation were acceptable in
“Technically as you look at it today I was a kind of a torturer,” he
told the BBC. “Of course it was acceptable then. It’s now unacceptable
and now it’s defined as torture.”
Asked about the types of torture techniques that might be suitable in
those situations, he replied: “Sleep deprivation. Lack of food. Perhaps,
as I’ve done, showing people pictures of their friends that have been
blown up. That sort of thing.”
In 2013, it emerged that the British Army sanctioned four methods of
interrogation – hooding, starvation, sleep deprivation and the use of
stress positions. Later, the use of a white-noise technique was added.
The British government is facing a legal challenge from a group of
Irishmen known as the Hooded Men, who were tortured by the British Army
after they were arrested and interned without charge in August 1971.
The group is taking a judicial review at Belfast’s High Court next month
and they also have a separate case before the European court. The men
were subjected to food and sleep deprivation and loud static noise for
long periods of time.
The European Commission ruled in 1976 that the government was guilty of
torture and inhumane and degrading treatment but following an appeal the
European Court later ruled that the techniques did not amount to
Liam Shannon, one of the Hooded Men, said torture can “never be
justified under any circumstances”.
“It’s illegal, immoral and against God’s law and anyone else’s law,” he
said. For anyone to say that they can find justification for torture is
Mr Shannon said torture is not only unjustifiable but also unreliable.
“Whatever information that you would get from someone under torture is
completely unreliable,” he said. “People will tell you anything when
they are being tortured. It will never stand up in court.”
Posted by Jim on January 23, 2017
Due to weather issues the Ancient Order of Hibernians Kings County Board meeting schedule for tonight Monday January 23, 2017 has been postponed until next week Monday January 30, 2017 7:30 PM sharp.
Please pass this this information on to other members, as we do not have everyone’s phone or email contact.
Posted by Jim on
Mid-Ulster Assembly member Michelle O’Neill is to lead Sinn Fein into
the Six County Assembly elections in March, it has been announced.
She takes over from Martin McGuinness, who last week announced his
decision to quit active politics over serious health issues. That came
amid a major breakdown of relations between DUP and Sinn Fein, which
triggered the collapse of the powersharing executive in Belfast.
Although formerly the agriculture minister and more recently the health
minister, Ms O’Neill is not well known outside her own constituency and
is a relative newcomer to the Sinn Fein frontline. She has a background
in social welfare issues and has been more prominent in in recent weeks
since Mr McGuinness became ill.
She was formerly the political adviser to Mid-Ulster MP Francie Molloy
before being elected to the Stormont Assembly in 2007.
As the head of Sinn Fein’s Stormont team, Ms O’Neill could become deputy
first minister in March if Sinn Fein is returned as the largest
nationalist party after the election, or First Minister if Sinn Fein is
the largest party overall.
Announcing the appointment, Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams said Ms
O’Neill represented a “new generation” for the party. He said: “This is
a handover of a primary leadership position from my generation, from
Martin’s generation, to another generation.”
He added: “As a united all-Ireland team, we will give her the space and
support to find her own voice and continue the good work Martin
Ms O’Neill said being a republican was her “way of life”. She told Fein
supporters at Stormont: “I won’t let you down”, and added: “This is the
biggest honour and privilege of my life.”
She said she would continue Mr McGuinness’s “good work”.
“I have never been afraid of a challenge and I have never been afraid to
act,” she said.
The 26 County Minister for Foreign Affairs Charlie Flanagan was among
the first to congratulate Ms O’Neill. He said it was “a very proud and
special day for her and her family”.
“I know that we share a sense of urgency in our determination to see the
power-sharing institutions effectively functioning at Stormont once the
election has taken place,” he added.
Posted by Jim on January 19, 2017
Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness has effectively retired from politics
after announcing he will not be standing for re-election in the 2 March
poll to the Belfast Assembly.
A former IRA commander, in recent decades Mr McGuinness became
synonymous with Sinn Fein’s peace strategy and its efforts to achieve a
reconciliation with unionism and the British establishment.
His decision to quit Stormont was announced in three television
interviews this evening. It followed his resignation as deputy first
minister last Monday week in protest at the latest corruption scandal to
engulf his unionist partners in the Six County Executive.
That prompted this week’s collapse of the power-sharing Executive and
the calling of elections for March 2nd.
In a statement, he said a deterioration in his health had coincided with
the refusal of DUP leader Arlene Foster to step aside pending an
“For me to be part of an administration that was being accused of
corruption.. was absolutely intolerable and under no circumstances is
Sinn Fein willing to be part of an administration that is going to be
continually subject to this sort of allegation, particularly when it’s
coming directly at our partners in government.
“I felt I had no option whatsoever [but to resign] and it was with a
very sore heart that I had to do what I had to do.”
He also revealed he had planned to step down in May this year, which
would have marked the tenth anniversary since he and the late DUP leader
Ian Paisley entered government together, a pairing which became famous
as the “chuckle brothers”.
“Unfortunately, my health and the current crisis have overtaken this
timeframe,” he said.
He was determined to overcome the rare and serious illness with which he
has been diagnosed, and said he would continue to support Sinn Fein as
best he could.
“Over the last 10 years I have worked tirelessly to make powersharing
work,” he said. “The institutions are now in a deep crisis as a result
of recent events and we are facing into an election when the people will
have their say”.
Sinn Fein was a party in constant development, renewal and evolution, he
said, and he felt privileged to have been a part of that.
“It remains my own personal and political ambition to break the link
with Britain and to unite all who share this island under the common
banner of Irish men and women.
“I am deeply proud of the generation of Irish republicans that came
before us. A generation that kept the vision of freedom alive through
the difficult post-partition era when they faced unrelenting repression
and persecution from the Ulster Unionist Party in an apartheid Orange
“I have been privileged to be part of the generation that broke that
apartheid state apart and to have been part of a Sinn Fein leadership
that delivered peace and radical change. There are more republicans
today than at any time in my generation.”
Mr McGuinness said his “obvious health issues” were being addressed by a
superb team of national health service doctors and nurses.
“But I want to be open and honest with my friends and colleagues in Sinn
Fein, with the electorate of Foyle and with the wider community beyond
my own constituency. I also want to be fair to my family and to the
teams of carers who are doing their best to provide me with the
treatment I now require to deal with this very serious medical
condition, which I am very determined to overcome,” he said.
“Unfortunately, I am not physically able to continue in my current role
and have therefore decided to make way for a new leader.”
Mr McGuinness said that as a Sinn Fein activist he would continue to
“play a full and enthusiastic part in that essential process of building
bridges, of dialogue and of reconciliation between our still divided
“Despite the current difficulties and challenges, I am confident and
optimistic about the future. We have faced more difficult times and
found a way forward. As a society we have made enormous progress. We
must continue to move forward. Dialogue is the only option.”
Posted by Jim on January 18, 2017
Sinn Féin spent ten years trying to show Unionists how The North could work if Unionists could live on equal terms with the rest of the people here. The DUP spent those ten years proving they couldn’t. Only they can prevent The North working.
Brian Feeney. Irish News. Belfast.Wednesday, January 18, 2017
WHAT’S the way out of this one? Make no mistake, the collapse of the executive and assembly is the worst crisis the Northern institutions of the Good Friday Agreement have faced since 2001 for a number of reasons.
The collapse sixteen years ago was caused by David Trimble walking out because the IRA had not decommissioned at the speed he wanted them to. Trimble could never leave such matters to the bodies set up to oversee them, in that case the International Decommissioning Commission.
The subsequent walk-outs and collapses were also mainly caused by Unionists setting various conditions for Sinn Féin, on one occasion aided and abetted by the RUC getting themselves in a twist about their own informers in the Republican Movement.
This collapse is different in nature and type. It’s the first time Sinn Féin has walked away from institutions in the last eighteen years. That’s why it’s so serious. They have pulled the plug but still both Unionist parties and the SDLP don’t get it. Indeed the only person up at Stormont apart from Sinn Féin former MLAs who does understand is inevitably Jim Allister.
On Monday, Allister correctly told the BBC that Sinn Féin have taken a ‘strategic decision’ to shut down the Executive and Assembly because it was not delivering. Full marks for reading Gerry Adams’s speech to the party’s Cúige Uladh, and believing him. Of course, given the ability level of the average Unionist MLA at Stormont, Allister has only to close one eye to be king, as a former Nationalist party leader said of the old Stormont.
Few noticed that while announcing Sinn Féin would not nominate a Deputy First Minister, Michelle O’Neill said, ‘we [Sinn Féin] will not be back in this chamber’ until they had a satisfactory resolution of the matters of equality of status and parity of esteem the DUP’s denial of which provoked Sinn Féin into pulling the plug.
Therefore, when the election takes place , Sinn Féin will again not nominate anyone to an Executive. There are three weeks before our proconsul [ the Secretary of State]has to call another election if there is no Executive. In those three weeks there is no chance of the DUP eating humble pie, and demonstrating a firm purpose of amendment not to sin again by reciting an act of contrition. There is equally no chance of the proconsul calling another election — on the principle that repeating the same action, over and over again, and expecting a different result is a sign of madness.
What will happen? The most likely outcome is a very lengthy period of the Assembly meeting as a talking shop, as in 2008 when Sinn Féin boycotted the Executive after the refusal of the DUP to honour their 2007 commitment to devolve policing and justice. In this case it could be years while negotiations take place to find a way to ensure the DUP honors the agreements they have signed up to at St Andrews and Fresh Start.
In the meantime parties are on election footing. Sinn Féin have the initiative and the DUP are on the back foot unwilling to accept that the election is about their bad faith and what Sinn Féin chair Declan Kearney called their ‘institutionalized bigotry’. Yet they can’t face the voters if they admit the election is about the ‘cash for ash’ scandal. So they will adopt the mendacious line that it’s an attack on Unionism and an attempt to bring down their leader. That doesn’t augur well for talks afterwards.
Still, the Assembly is more important to the DUP than Sinn Féin which has bigger fish to fry in Dublin. The DUP don’t realize that pulling the plug and treating Stormont with contempt has energized Sinn Féin supporters who have been wanting the party to stand up to the DUP for years, the more stridently since Foster took over to lead like the antediluvian rural Unionist she is.
Sinn Féin spent ten years trying to show Unionists how The North could work if Unionists could live on equal terms with the rest of the people here. The DUP spent those ten years proving they couldn’t. Only they can prevent The North working.
Posted by Jim on
Irish News Editorial. Belfast. Wednesday, January 18, 2017
While the political focus in Northern Ireland has been on the collapse of the Stormont structures, an even bigger issue is looming which will impact on the lives of people throughout this island.
Theresa May’s landmark speech yesterday shattered any remaining hope that the UK’s exit from the EU would be a soft Brexit, retaining some form of access to the single market.
The prime minister’s determination to remove Britain from the single market is a move that will cause deep concern in Northern Ireland.
Angela McGowan of the CBI warned that ruling out membership of the single market has “reduced options” for maintaining a barrier-free and tariff-free trading relationship between the UK and the EU.
Of course, it is not just the trading relationship with Europe that is at issue, but there are fears that a hard Brexit will lead to border controls between north and south.
The land border between the UK and the EU is a reality that the British government has to deal with but the concern is that any arrangements will not necessarily be in the best interests of Northern Ireland or the Republic.
Mrs May said keeping the common travel area would be a priority in the Brexit negotiations and while she talked about delivering a “practical solution”, we still have no clear idea what that solution will involve.
It is only seven months since the then home secretary, on an eve of referendum visit to Northern Ireland, said: “It is inconceivable that a vote for Brexit would not have a negative impact on the north/south border, bringing cost and disruption to trade and people’s lives.”
Mrs May may have changed her tune but the many people who rely on free movement throughout this island are genuinely worried about the impact of border controls.
With Stormont in limbo and the largely unknown and untested James Brokenshire said to be representing the north’s interests in any talks, those people will have even more reason to be apprehensive.
Posted by Jim on
The 1916 Societies note the continuing political crisis in the Six Counties, which began with yet another in-house scandal at Stormont – over a botched energy-efficiency scheme – and has culminated since in the collapse of the Sinn Fein-DUP Coalition and the calling of new elections by British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire.
Our view is that the instability ongoing, with the elections that hope to manage it, reflect bankruptcy on the part of the Stormont project. Its fundamental lack of legitimacy – born of the partition system itself – ensures that perpetual crisis, such as that before us, remains its defining feature. Those subject to the whims of this failed set-up deserve better.
That Stormont is wholly unable to deliver at a time of deepening economic crisis – set only to be exacerbated by the impending arrival of Brexit – adds to the imperative that partition rule, of which Stormont is the lynchpin, give way to the all-Ireland republic. We cannot afford that another generation be held hostage to unworkable partition, whose design is to divide the Irish people that British rule can continue.
In reality, the elections in March will be a meaningless exercise as they cannot resolve the issues at heart – among them the bizarre duality of a political system that entrenches sectarianism at the centre of government, supposedly for the purposes of peace. Dysfunction remains the typeset of the northern statelet accordingly – in perpetuity and regardless of elections.
Such is the nature of partition that it can be no other way. Such is its price – the means to afford it a false sense of normality – that instability can never be far from the surface. Our people deserve more than the sectarian failure bequeathed them by partition and herein lies the nub. For a workable resolution of the matters at hand, partition itself must be ended.
Ultimately, Stormont is the means through which partition rule in Ireland is upheld, serving as a bridgehead between British policy and Irish acquiescence to its terms. It stands, as such, as a bulwark against the realising of republican objectives. Another election to this reactionary entity will in no way alter that reality and it is incumbent that republicans take note. Stormont must go.
As such, the only election we are interested in is an all-Ireland election, where Stormont and partition are consigned to history. We hold that our ‘One Ireland One Vote’ proposal for a referendum on Irish Unity can set forth the pathway required. With that in mind, we invite the Irish public to reject Stormont, with this coming election, and to embrace instead that endeavour.
Posted by Jim on January 17, 2017
Monday, January 23rd, 2017 8:00 pm
Posted by Jim on January 14, 2017
“a variety of factors – not least that the Stormont administration has managed to govern Northern Ireland for the longest period of devolved rule since the 1960s – has meant that the North has fallen down the agenda of both governments in the last decade.”
For those in the north and south who want to see a united Ireland need to change this and be more proactive collectively. It appears since the GFA, a sort of apathy and complacency has set in among a good number of nationalists, some republicans and also to include some within Irish-American activist circles. This spread of apathy and complacency only helps adds to these governments putting the north of Ireland agendas on the back burner.
The GFA copper-fastened British rule in the north and almost 20 years later Ireland is still not reunited and Stormont has collapsed but once again.
The British and Free State governments have been dictating the present and future of the Irish people and the future of their children for far too long. It’s more than past its time to get a united Ireland back on the agenda and push it all the way until the Irish achieve the self-determination they deserve.
The Irish are a kind and generous people who have always stood up for the rights of other oppressed and occupied people around the world. Isn’t it time now, since the failure of the GFA to deliver its promises to the nationalist community, to stand up once again, collectively, and put a final end to their own divided and occupied country?
The power is in the hands of the Irish people.
Posted by Jim on
We must move beyond a sectarian solution
“Stormont’s flawed system emerged from the SDLP’s flawed analysis in the early 1970s that the problem here was one of two conflicting identities, later hardened under the Belfast agreement into two separate nations. It was derived from the British claim that they were here to keep two warring factions apart.”
We are little further on from January 29 1967, when the Civil Rights Association (CRA) was formed to demand fairness in an unfair society. Not fairness on a sectarian basis (one person one vote was denied to Protestants as much as Catholics) but fairness for all. Today’s Stormont is no more fair or enlightened than the one of half a century ago.
So how and why did we squander 50 years and can we guarantee our children that we will not waste another fifty?
Stormont has failed because mandatory coalition on a sectarian basis produced two competing half-governments, each cynically pre-occupied with grooming its own electorate.
The evidence, for example, lies in special political advisers running the civil service, giving £2 million for the UDA-linked Charter NI and allocating £60m for an apparently over-scaled Casement Park, while schools are bankrupt.
There was no-one in government to cater for, or even identify, the common good. Instead, mutual sectarian inter-dependence diverted from failing public services.
(Against popular opinion, this column argued last week that cutting the Líofa grant was a DUP tactic, to be later reversed for inter-party negotiations. Guess what happened this week? Now, that’s cynicism.)
Stormont’s flawed system emerged from the SDLP’s flawed analysis in the early 1970s that the problem here was one of two conflicting identities, later hardened under the Belfast agreement into two separate nations. It was derived from the British claim that they were here to keep two warring factions apart. It failed to recognise Britain’s role in fomenting sectarianism (making the SDLP analysis more Catholic than nationalist) and it lacked any socio-economic content or context. The problem was flags, so the solution must be shared flags.
(If you think Britain was an honest broker, look at how British intelligence ran loyalist paramilitaries for the war’s first 20 years. It then significantly controlled both loyalist and republican groups for the final 10 years.)
Following the Hume-Adams talks, Sinn Féin accepted the SDLP’s analysis in a major departure from the teachings of Tone, Pearse and Connolly. SF sought to represent only Catholics. Protestants and Dissenters were placed in Unionism’s foster care. (Yes, you might find a pun in that.)
Much of the party’s policy both in and towards Stormont was heavily influenced by Martin McGuinness. Had he been healthy, Stormont would not have collapsed.
Sinn Féin’s new approach represents an unusually confused and disorganised transfer of power over northern affairs from McGuinness to Adams.
The party has several objectives in collapsing Stormont – it allows time to find a replacement (possibly Mr Adams himself) for Martin McGuinness; it absolves SF for failing social and public services, especially for southern consumption; it places Brexit at the heart of post-election negotiations and heads off growing grassroots rebellion against DUP appeasement and Stormont’s overall failure.
Mr Adams’s Belfast speech last Saturday was to re-establish authority. (“Let me through, I am your leader.”)
Meanwhile, Stormont’s opposition, the SDLP and the UUP, believes we should have a more polite form of sectarianism. In the event of direct rule, the SDLP even wants the Irish government involved in running The North, presumably on the basis that Irish austerity is so much better than British austerity.
Warming to their theme, Dublin foreign minister, Charles Flanagan, wants us to protect Stormont. (If he lived here, he would realize that we need protection from Stormont, not for it).
So, half a century after we founded the Civil Rights movement, sectarian self-interest has brought us back to where we started. Sadly, in view of the civil rights gains, we could have got here without firing a shot; without a single death; without accepting the legitimacy of partition and without polarizing an already fractured society.
We have made little progress since British army violence drove the CRA [Civil Rights Association] off the streets. Along with Britain, the main opponents of the Civil Rights movement were Ian Paisley and later, the Provisional IRA, which argued that the state should be destroyed, not reformed. The thoughts and deeds of both led to sectarian war and today their political descendants have failed the people of The North with their sectarian politics.
So, we do not need changes to our system of government. We need a new system, one which revisits Britain’s sectarian “solution” to the Irish problem, as enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. Anything less will waste another 50 years.
Posted by Jim on January 10, 2017
Sinn Fein’s Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness has resigned in
protest at unionist arrogance and intransigence, collapsing the
Stormont Executive and throwing a question mark over power-sharing and
the political process in the north of Ireland.
The move was not unexpected as Sinn Fein had warned on multiple
occasions in recent weeks that its patience with its unionist partners,
the Democratic Unionist Party, had finally run out. This weekend, Sinn
Fein leader Gerry Adams signalled the party could withdraw Mr
McGuinness in order to make Ms Foster’s position untenable.
Due to the joint nature of the Office of the First Minister and Deputy
First Minister, the move means the DUP leader Arlene Foster is no
longer First Minister, that the power-sharing Executive has collapsed
and that a new election is pending to the Stormont Assembly.
Mr McGuinness’s resignation comes amid question marks over his own
health, but there is no doubt the move follows directly from the
actions of DUP leader Arlene Foster and her Ministers.
Most recently, this has been Foster’s failure to recognise the
seriousness of corruption allegations facing her party over a
government renewable energy incentive scheme which will cost in the
region of a billion pounds in public funds. Known as the ‘cash for ash’
scandal, the scheme provided limitless subsidies for those who burned a
certain biomass fuel well in excess of the cost of the fuel itself, and
had generated public outrage and despair.
Last month, Foster’s DUP colleague Jonathan Bell broke party ranks to
speak out against her, telling local media that she told officials to
alter documents related to the scheme to minimise her appearance of
responsibility. She denied the allegations of fraud and corruption and
has refused to resign.
Earlier today, she made it clear she was prepared to see Assembly
elections rather than step aside ahead of an independent investigation.
In a message to Mr McGuinness – before the announcement of his
resignation – she said: “If he is playing a game of chicken, if Sinn
Fein are playing a game of chicken, and they think we are going to
blink in relation to me stepping aside they are wrong – I won’t be
stepping aside. And if there is an election, there is an election.
“I take my directions from the electorate and certainly not from Sinn
Fein,” she declared.
In a resignation letter sent to Stormont speaker Robin Newton, Mr
McGuinness states: “The First Minister has refused to stand aside,
without prejudice, pending a preliminary report from an investigation.
“That position is not credible or tenable. Therefore it is with deep
regret and reluctance that I am tendering my resignation as Deputy
First Minister with effect from 5pm on Monday, January 9 2017.
“I have urged Arlene Foster to stand aside without prejudice to ensure
confidence in the necessary investigation and in the wider public
interest. These institutions only have value if they enjoy the
confidence and support of the people they were established to serve.
“They only have meaning if are delivering fairly for all our people
based on the principles of equality and mutual respect on which they
“Over the last 10 years I have worked with DUP leaders and reached out
to unionists on the basis of equality, respect and reconciliation.
“Over this period the actions of the British government and the DUP
have undermined the institutions and eroded public confidence
“Sinn Fein will not tolerate the arrogance of Arlene Foster and the
DUP. Sinn Fein wants equality and respect for all. That is what this
process must be about.
“Today I tendered my resignation.Today is the right time to call a halt
to the DUP’s arrogance.
Following Mr McGuinness’ announcement, Mr Adams tweeted his support for
his decision. He wrote: “Ten years of valient service in Office of
First & Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness signs resignation
letter.” He added: “GRMA chara”, meaning “thank you, friend” in Irish.
Posted by Jim on December 31, 2016
Patrick Murphy. Irish News. Belfast. Saturday, December 31, 2016
Yes, it is time for the New Year’s honours list when, in recognition for their services to the crown, Her Majesty appoints Commanders, Officers and Members of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire.
News of the Empire’s disappearance does not appear to have reached Britain. It once covered one quarter of the globe and contained a fifth of its people.
Today, it consists of 14 overseas territories, including the Pitcairn Islands (population: 48) and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands (population: 99, none of them permanent).
In addition to CBEs, OBEs and MBEs, the Queen also appoints Knights and Dames (well, it is the pantomime season) of various types, including some within the Most Honourable Order of the Bath.
It began in the pre-Reformation Church, as symbolic purification by bathing and going to confessions. (I think they have now dropped those conditions.)
Good luck to anyone who has received an honour and who genuinely believes that the honours system has merit in the modern world. However, even they would probably accept that the system is less than perfect.
For example, David Cameron’s wife’s hairdresser received an OBE, following the prime minister’s resignation after the Brexit referendum.
This was only fair, since Mr Cameron’s barber had received an MBE in 2014, “for services to hairdressing.” (On that basis you deserve an award “for services to newspaper reading”.)
One of Mr Cameron’s former advisers, Steve Hilton (who did not receive an award) says the honours system is “a serious type of very British corruption”.
But even without the cronyism, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that at best the honours system is a bit silly and at worst divisive, pretentious and even downright obnoxious.
The appointments process is secret and highly hierarchical. So while only 25 hand-picked people receive the Order of the Garter (don’t even ask) senior civil servants, for example, might receive the odd knighthood or a CBE.
Lower civil service ranks and other public servants, usually receive OBEs. (Why honour those who have been paid for doing their job?)
School crossing patrol ladies, however, tend to receive mere Membership of the British Empire (which presumably puts them on a par with the Pitcairn Islands).
It is difficult to understand Britain’s glorification of an empire which killed countless millions across the world, including in this country.
Anti-racism campaigner and former Liverpool footballer, Howard Gale, recently refused an MBE because, he said, it would have betrayed all the Africans who suffered under the British Empire.
That has not stopped the Stormont executive from planning to send children from all our schools to visit and glorify the Somme, where thousands died so that the British Empire could continue to inflict murder, starvation and famine on those who dared to oppose it. (Stormont calls it education.)
If the British must have an honours system, they might like to honour (in a non-imperial way) the relatives of those killed at Kingsmills and Ballymurphy, for example, for their dignity in the face of government evasion, intransigence and secrecy.
Probably the only honour these people really want is the truth about what happened their loved ones.
Others who deserve honours include people engaged in voluntary and charity work, such as organising food banks for those among us who would go hungry without them.
The most appropriate honour for them would be a society in which there is no hunger.
Such honours would make a welcome change from, for example, Tony Blair’s knighthood for Philip Green, “for services to the retail industry” in 2006.
A report by MPs says that Sir Philip should be stripped of his knighthood, because he “systematically extracted hundreds of millions of pounds from BHS”, leaving a £570 million hole in its pension fund.
A charity once chaired by Charles Dickens says it has been overwhelmed with requests for help from struggling shop workers in the months since BHS collapsed.
Perhaps Mr Green should keep his knighthood, since it symbolizes the Empire which the honours system reflects.
You see, that’s the real insult of New Year’s honours. Granting an MBE to a school-crossing patrol lady suggests that somehow everyone is equal in the eyes of an unelected monarch.
But the truth is that the false grandeur of Britain’s honours system is merely another distraction from the growing inequality within our society – which means that, like poverty, it is likely to be with us for some time to come.
Posted by Jim on December 27, 2016
There will NOT be a Kings County Board meeting on Monday January 02, 2017, instead there will be a joint New Year party with the LAOH & AOH to be held on Sunday January 8, 2017 1:00 PM till 5:00 PM. This is for members only & there is no charge but you must RSVP ~ ASAP to Rose Coulson 347-866-1848 or Steve Kiernan 917-886-8677. Pleas see attached flyer for all the details.
Posted by Jim on December 24, 2016
The High Court in Belfast has allowed the British government to hold a
secret hearing in a legal action over the alleged cover-up of the 1998
Real IRA Omagh bombing.
It granted a declaration to enable a closed session after hearing
an argument that the disclosure of “sensitive material” could damage
The move forms part of a wider challenge to the British government’s
refusal to hold a public inquiry into the August 1998 attack. British
Crown forces are alleged to have monitored the bomb and allowed it to
proceed to Omagh town centre and to explode there, killing 29 civilians,
despite having advance knowledge and despite receiving telephoned bomb
warnings to clear the area.
Michael Gallagher, whose son Aiden was among 29 people killed, is
attempting to have the British refusal to hold a public inquiry
The case centres on claims that a range of British agencies, including
MI5 and RUC Special Branch, could have prevented the attack. A gap in
the information relates to the monitoring of the bomb and scout cars as
they crossed the border into Omagh on the day.
Counsel for the British government applied for the right to hold a
“closed materials” hearing ahead of the main legal challenge. Delivering
judgment on the government’s application, the judge claimed it was in
the interests of justice to hold a secret hearing.
“The court is satisfied that the sample of closed material which it has
seen contains substantial reference to sensitive material, the
disclosure of which would be damaging to the interests of national
security,” he said.
The case will now advance to a full hearing in the new year.
Meanwhile, lawyers for the family of Derry man Kieran Doherty have said
they are “deeply concerned” after the state attempted to hold a
preliminary hearing into his death behind closed doors.
Coroner Brian Sherrard ruled the secretive session be allowed after
Crown lawyers claimed that to disclose details on documents “posed a
risk to life”, before a last-minute intervention by counsel for the next
In the weeks before his death, Mr Doherty warned MI5 attempted to
recruit him as an agent and members of his family have raised concerns
that state agents could have played a role in his death. Mr Doherty’s
body was found dumped on a border road in Derry on February 24 2010. The
31-year-old had been stripped and bound before he was shot dead in a
killing blamed on allegations that Mr Doherty had been growing
Doherty family lawyer Paul Pierce said: “We have come here today for a
further preliminary inquiry on this matter, to be told moments before
this was to commence that the Crown Solicitor’s Office on behalf of the
Secretary of State and the Police Service of Northern Ireland wanted to
go into closed hearing.
“As we have seen, there were three hours of discussion back and forward,
much of which we were not involved in at all, but it was only on the
basis of our objections to those closed hearings taking place that the
matter has resolved itself today; the normal process for the
consideration of documents and redactions will be carried out as it
“We are deeply concerned about the way in which the state is approaching
these cases by attempting to have closed session hearings and exclude
the next of kin and their legal representatives.”
Mr Doherty’s uncle, Vincent Coyle, said that all evidence in the inquest
should be made public.
“We want a full and thorough disclosure of all information no matter how
hard it is for the public or the government to take,” he said.
“The Doherty family deserve truth, justice and a way of beginning to
heal, as does this entire city.”
Posted by Jim on December 23, 2016
There fared a mother driven forth…
Out of an inn to roam;
In the place where she was homeless
All men are at home.
The crazy stable close at hand,
With shaking timber and shifting sand,
Grew a stronger thing to abide and stand
Than the square stones of Rome.
For men are homesick in their homes,
And strangers under the sun,
And they lay their heads in a foreign land
Whenever the day is done.
Here we have battle and blazing eyes,
And chance and honour and high surprise,
But our homes are under miraculous skies
Where the yule tale was begun.
A child in a foul stable,
Where the beasts feed and foam;
Only where He was homeless
Are you and I at home;
We have hands that fashion and heads that know,
But our hearts we lost—how long ago!
In a place no chart nor ship can show
Under the sky’s dome.
This world is wild as an old wife’s tale,
And strange the plain things are,
The earth is enough and the air is enough
For our wonder and our war;
But our rest is as far as the fire-drake swings
And our peace is put in impossible things
Where clashed and thundered unthinkable wings
Round an incredible star.
To an open house in the evening
Home shall all men come,
To an older place than Eden
And a taller town than Rome.
To the end of the way of the wandering star,
To the things that cannot be and that are,
To the place where God was homeless
And all men are at home.
Posted by Jim on December 22, 2016
Posted by Jim on December 20, 2016
A member of the Legacy Investigations Branch (LIB) of the PSNI police
in the north of Ireland has been accused of being a covert member of
British military intelligence.
In a statement, Saoradh said Neil McGuinness, a member of the unit which
take over from the Historical Enquiries team in recent years, had
attempted to recruit one of their members as an informer.
In 2014, Belfast Republican Dominic Corr and a friend were making their
way home to Belfast from Glasgow. As they made their way through the
airport, Dominic was accosted by two individuals who identified
themselves as British ‘Security Services’, and led him to a screening
Once in the room, they made it known that they were aware of his
political outlook and his fundraising activities for the IRPWA while in
Scotland and stated that this wasn’t a “bad thing”.
“They were quite clearly intent on recruiting him, yet refused to say
who they really represented,” Saoradh said. “Dominic, being a long
standing republican, refused to engage and once it was clarified that he
wasn’t under arrest, demanded to be released from the locked room and
left. On return to Ireland, Dominic made the incident public by logging
the incident with his legal team,” adding: “One of the agents from
British intelligence that failed to recruit Dominic Corr was Neil
McGuinness is a prominent figure within the LIB, recently appearing in
the media in relation to the exhumation of British Army murder victim
Daniel Rooney. Although a unit of the PSNI, the LIB presents itself as
independent arbitrator for those seeking justice and closure regarding
state killings of their family members.
McGuinness’s alleged identification as an MI5 agent has been seen as
vindication of the belief that, rather than seeking to resolve past
killings, British forces continue to be engaged in a systematic cover-up
of their war crimes in Ireland
“Saoradh hereby call upon McGuinness to publicly confirm the various
roles he has played within the British Crown Forces – including any
overt or covert role within British intelligence,” they said.
Saoradh have initiated a Freedom of Information request in relation to
“The Crown Forces, namely the PSNI, MI5, and the British Army, are still
engaged in a campaign of counter insurgency in the north of Ireland, it
is therefore imperative for these forces that this current campaign is
not undermined by the revelation of their murderous past; hence this
exercise in white wash and micro management of the so called legacy
They also backed calls for an Independent Investigatory Team, with full
access to British Government classified policy documents and evidence:
“Britain perpetuates the conflict in Ireland and any investigation
initiated or conducted by them will serve only Britain’s interests
rather than those of victims, families and communities affected by their
overt slaughter and continued covert activities in Ireland.”
Posted by Jim on
A motion of no confidence in First Minister Arlene Foster was vetoed by
the Democratic Unionist Party today, but not before other parties in the
Stormont Assembly staged a theatrical walk-out from a chamber in which
they are powerless to effect political change without DUP support.
Despite a majority of Assembly members, 39 to 36, voting to exclude her
as First Minister for six months over her handling of the “Renewable
Heat Incentive” (RHI) scheme — popularly known as ‘cash for ash’ —
Foster is to remain in the role.
Under the rules of the devolved legislature, no contested motion can
pass without the support of the DUP, the largest unionist party. However
Sinn Fein, who are DUP’s partners in the devolved government, drew sharp
criticism from the opposition parties when they chose to abstain in any
But a cooling of the normally close relationship between Foster and Sinn
Fein’s Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness was illustrated when
McGuinness insisted she had no authority to make her statement today. As
his and Ms Foster’s office is a joint one, he said her statement did not
have his approval.
There was some procedural wrangling before Foster delivered an
aggressive justification of her handling of a hugely controversial
scheme. Sinn Fein and the opposition parties alike walked out of the
Assembly chamber as Foster began.
“She is speaking in a personal capacity and not in her role as First
Minister,” Mr McGuinness said, and again called for her to stand aside
pending a private judicial investigation of a scheme which became a
feeding frenzy for insiders and cronies.
His protests were dismissed out of hand by Foster. The walkout from the
chamber by Sinn Fein and the opposition parties also had not effect, and
she went on to deliver a self-serving tirade to the cheers of her own
party members, mocking the opposition as “irrelevant and impotent”.
“I am here, I will be staying here,” she said, adding that she was
determined that “this mess” will be cleared up.
The SDLP later said in a statement: “As of this moment, Arlene Foster no
longer enjoys the support of the Assembly as First Minister. The First
Minister lost today’s confidence vote, even in spite of a disappearing
act from Sinn Fein who talked tough but went missing when it counted.”
Sinn Fein described the SDLP motion as “blatant political opportunism”
and said they were bringing their own motion to the Assembly in January.
“The real test for the SDLP is whether they will support our motion
which calls on Arlene Foster to stand aside and the establishment of an
independent investigation which is robust and time-limited and led by a
judicial figure,” they said.
Mr McGuinness warned of “grave consequences” if Ms Foster does not stand
down. Sinn Fein representatives have declined to explain what these
consequences would be, but some suggested it could involve Mr McGuinness
resigning as Deputy First Minister in order to force an Assembly vote to
re-elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister. In such
circumstances, Assembly elections are required to follow. It is thought
Mr McGuinness, who is suffering from poor health and whose reputation
has suffered collateral damage by successive DUP corruption scandals,
may also choose to quit politics at this juncture.
He admitted that what took place at Stormont today as “a shambles”.
“Our institutions should not have to endure another day like this,” he
said. “The RHI scandal is a massive waste of public funds and the issue
will not go away. There is a need to restore public confidence in the
Assembly and the political institutions.”
Independent socialist Eamonn McCann said it was time to call Assembly
elections. “We are in la-la land, please can we have an election.”
Posted by Jim on December 13, 2016
Posted by Jim on December 8, 2016
There were angry scenes in the Dublin parliament this afternoon after a
Fine Gael TD named two senior Sinn Fein TDs he said were identified in
an email sent by Gerry Adams to the Garda police commissioner about an
unsanctioned IRA killing in 1983.
Alan Farrell called on the two TDs to “make a statement” regarding the
shooting of 26 County prison official Brian Stack. He interrupted Dail
proceedings after Mr Adams made a personal explanation regarding the
leaked email he sent about the case to Commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan
Mr Adams has said he sent a list of four names to Ms O’Sullivan, which
he says were provided by the prison warder’s son, Austin, to “remove
any uncertainty or ambiguity” following allegations that he was
withholding information from the police. The full text of his
statement is included below.
But there was uproar after he completed his statement, when Mr Farrell
broke into Dail proceedings with a ‘point of order’ to name the two TDs
as Dublin North West TD Dessie Ellis and Kerry TD Martin Ferris. He
claimed the names were already in the public domain.
Responding in the Dail, Mr Ellis pointed out he was in Portlaoise
prison when Mr Stack was killed, and had been in the USA before that.
He described the implied allegation, made under parliamentary
privilege, as a “disgrace”, and challenged the Fine Gael TD, who is a
solicitor, to repeat the allegation outside pariament.
Mr Ferris said he had met with police in 2013 at their request and had
co-operated fully with them. He said he had no question to answer in
regard to the case and described Farrell’s statement as “disgraceful”
and that he “should be ashamed of himself”.
In his statement earlier, Mr Adams said the case was a “live murder
investigation” and that nothing should be said in the Dail chamber
“which might prejudice this or any future court proceedings”.
He said his email had been put “inappropriately” into the public realm
and then raised twice in the Dail by the Fianna Fail leader Micheal
“The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach seem to be unconcerned about
this,” he said.
“Micheal Martin says I named four people who I understood to be
suspects in the murder of Mr Stack. Teachta Martin has misled the Dail.
I never made such a statement. I have never described those named as
He said Sinn Fein had worked consistently to resolve the issues of the
past, concluding: “That is what I have tried to do with my engagement
in 2013 with the Stack family”.
The following is the full text of Mr Adams’s statement.
Let me begin by saying once again that the shooting of Brian Stack was
It was a grievous loss for his family and should never have happened.
In the absence of the two governments agreeing to a process to deal
with the past I sought to try and assist the family of Brian Stack to
gain a degree of acknowledgement and closure.
I did so at their request.
What has happened over the last year points up the challenges of this
course of action and the urgent need for a proper legacy process to be
For the record I will again set out the sequence of events and my
efforts to assist the family of Brian Stack.
Austin Stack approached me in 2013 seeking acknowledgment for what
happened to his father.
I met Austin Stack a number of times over the course of the following
months, mostly on my own.
Austin and Oliver Stack made it clear to me personally and said
publicly that they were not looking for people to go to gaol.
They wanted acknowledgement and closure.
There is a note of that initial meeting,
I am releasing that today.
The computer stamp shows that this note was typed into the computer on
May 16th seven days after the first meeting with the family.
Austin Stack spoke of his commitment to restorative justice processes.
I told the Stack brothers that I could only help on the basis of
This was the same basis on which I had been able to assist other
Both Austin and Oliver agreed to respect the confidential nature of the
process we were going to try to put in place.
Without that commitment I could never have pursued the meeting they
were seeking which took place later that summer.
The brothers were given a statement by a former IRA leader.
The statement was made available publicly by the family.
The statement acknowledged that the IRA was responsible for their
father’s death; that it regretted it took so long to clarify this for
them; that the shooting of Brian Stack was not authorised by the IRA
leadership; and that the person who gave the instruction was
The statement expressed sorrow for the pain and hurt the Stack family
Following the meeting the family acknowledged that the process, and I
quote, “has provided us with some answers that three separate Garda
investigations failed to deliver. We would like to thank Deputy Adams
for the role he has played in facilitating this outcome.”
Since then the position of Austin Stack has changed.
In 2013 Austin Stack gave me the names of four people whom he believed
might have information on the case.
Austin Stack told me that he had been given these names by journalistic
and Garda sources.
Austin Stack has denied giving me names.
Why on earth would I say that I received the names from him if I
In February of this year Austin Stack also claimed that he gave names
to the Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin.
If Austin Stack was prepared to give names to Mr. Martin, why would he
not have given them to me?
I was after all the person he was asking to arrange a meeting.
At Austin Stack’s request I contacted those I could from the names he
They denied having any information about the killing of Brian Stack.
I told Austin Stack this.
During the election campaign earlier this year the Fianna Fail leader
and others repeated a lot of what was said in 2013.
It was part of his election strategy against Sinn Fein.
However, in addition allegations were made that I was withholding
information from the Garda.
It was in this context, and to remove any uncertainty or ambiguity I
emailed the Garda Commissioner the names that Austin Stack had given me
and which he said had come from Garda and journalistic sources.
I have never at any time described those named as suspects.
I made it clear to the Garda Commissioner that I have no information on
the death of Brian Stack.
The email was only sent after I had spoken to three of the four.
There is a live Garda investigation.
I am prepared to cooperate with this.
The position of Micheal Martin, who was a Minister in successive Fianna
Fail government’s during the peace process, and of the Taoiseach on
this issue is hypocritical, inconsistent and in fact disappointing.
I have never sought publicity on this issue.
Any public comments I have made have been in response to others.
Firstly, when Austin Stack publicly asked to meet me, and during the
process we established in 2013.
Secondly when Fine Gael and Fianna Fail sought to exploit this issue as
part of their election campaign of 2016.
And today I make this statement in the Dail following an email that I
wrote to the Garda Commissioner being put inappropriately in my opinion
into the public realm and then raised here in the Dail twice by the
Fianna Fail leader.
I say inappropriately because there is a live investigation into the
murder of Brian Stack and we in this chamber should be mindful not to
say anything which might prejudice this or any future court
The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach seem to be unconcerned about
For my part I will cooperate with An Garda Siochana.
Micheal Martin says, I named four people who I understand to be
suspects in the murder of Mr Stack.
Teachta Martin has misled the Dail.
I never made such a statement.
I have never described those named as suspects.
He says, that I said, I took a note of the meeting between Austin and
Oliver Stack and a former IRA leader.
I never said this.
I took no note of that meeting.
He says I took Austin and Oliver Stack to that meeting in a blacked out
The Taoiseach even went so far on Tuesday to say I drove the van.
Not true. I travelled with the Stack brothers in my car to a
prearranged place on the border and then we were all taken in a van to
the meeting in the north.
The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach should correct the Dail record
Since Fr. Alex Reid and Fr. Des Wilson, myself and John Hume began our
work to develop a peace process successive Fianna Fail and Fine Gael
governments, encouraged and facilitated meetings between myself and
Martin McGuinness and the IRA leadership.
Is the Taoiseach and Fianna Fail leader demanding that we should have
named those we met?
Do you think this would have helped the peace process?
I recall one specific occasion when a meeting in St. Luke’s with the
then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair’s Chief of Staff Jonathon
Powell was suspended to allow Martin McGuinness and I to meet the IRA.
On other occasions initiatives involving the Irish and British
government, the IRA, the Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Fein were
constructed to advance the process.
Meetings were adjourned to facilitate this.
These conversations helped to secure historic cessations.
Should those involved be named.
None of these would have been possible without talking to the IRA.
Micheal Martin knows this.
Our efforts led in July 2005 to the IRA announcing an end to the armed
campaign and to engaging with the International Independent Commission
on Decommissioning to put its arms beyond use.
Progress that could only have been secured on the basis of direct
contact and confidentially.
Is Micheal Martin demanding that Martin McGuinness and I should name
those we were meeting in the IRA leadership and who decided to put
their arms beyond use?
Is he demanding that the Decommissioning Body name those IRA members it
Are they demanding that Cyril Ramaphosa and Martii Ahtisaari name those
in the IRA they engaged with to facilitate the arms beyond use process?
Should we now name all of those in the IRA who supported the peace
process and took difficult but courageous decisions?
I and others also assisted the Smithwick Commission.
One of the most difficult legacy issues that we have had to deal with
is that of the disappeared.
The governments established the Independent Commission for the Location
of Victims Remains at my request and with Fr. Reid’s support.
As a result of our efforts 12 of the 16 victims have been recovered and
work continues on seeking information on the remain four.
I haven’t given up on this.
Martin McGuinness and I continue to meet regularly with the Commission.
The Commission also meets with former IRA people.
Should they be named.
Micheal Martin knows all of this. He was a senior member of the
government which established the commission.
Progress was only possible on the basis of confidentially and trust.
That is why no IRA people where named during any of these initiatives
and why they should not be named today.
It is an essential part of any conflict resolution process.
Sinn Fein has worked consistently to resolve the issues of the past.
As part of our commitment to this I have met many families, like that
of Brian Stack, who have lost loved ones.
If the Taoiseach and Micheal Martin are interested in healing the
legacy of the past for all families, including the Stacks, the
Finucane’s, the families of the Dublin Monaghan bombs and hundreds
more, then they could begin by putting in place an International based
independent truth recovery process.
My generation of republican activists who lived through and survived
the war have a responsibility to try and bring the families of victims
of the war, irrespective of who was responsible, to a better place.
That is what I have tried to do with my engagement in 2013 with the
Posted by Jim on December 7, 2016
The great Irish nationalist, Michael Flannery, recalled to me many times
that on December 8th 1922 he was sitting by the window in his cell in
Mountjoy Jail, having just finished his breakfast, when he saw a detail
of soldiers march out on to the square below, four prisoners. He didn’t
see what happened afterwards but some time later he heard a volley of
shots. After a short time he heard a single shot.
On that faithful day, the feast of the Immaculate Conception, the holiest day on the Christian
calendar, four young men, Liam Mellows from Connacht, Joe MacKelvey from
Ulster, Dick Barrett from Munster and Rory O’Connor from Leinster– from
the four corners of Ireland they came to die on Mary’s Day. Mellows, the
hero of the Fianna Na hEireann youth; O’Connor, who forfeited his claims
and privileges to a life of ease as the son of rich parents; Barrett,
the favorite soldier of the Cork boys- worthy follower of Mac Sweeney,
Rossa, MacCurtain, O’Neill, Crowley and others and a lifelong Mass
server even to the day before his death; and MacKelvey, the modern
Cuchullain of Ulster who ignored all the howling Orange mobs as he took
the straight path of his fathers, in Ireland’s cause- all died that Erin
Liam, Joe, Dick and Rory, you did not die in vein. We remember them now
as Mike would like to have them remembered and shall be remembered by
all true Irishmen and Irishwomen down through the years.
Rest in peace, you gallant soldiers of Ireland. We are proud of you.
Posted by Jim on December 6, 2016
An agreement signed yesterday by the Irish government and the US State Department represents a small victory and stop-gap against one of the policy measures proposed by President-elect Donald Trump.
Ireland’s Ambassador to the US, Anne Anderson, and Evan Ryan, Assistant Secretary of the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, met in Washington to sign a memorandum of understanding between the two countries.
Since it was implemented in 2008, the visa program has been renewed every two years for two years, but yesterday’s agreement marked the first time it has been extended for three years.
This is thought to be in response to a campaign promise that appeared on Donald Trump’s campaign website in 2015 (and since deleted), which stated, “The J-1 visa jobs program for foreign youth will be terminated and replaced with a résumé bank for inner city youth provided to all corporate subscribers to the J-1 visa program.”
In 2015, 1,319 Irish people availed of the 12-month J-1 visa, and approximately 300 Americans availed of the reciprocal arrangement, traveling to Ireland.
Speaking at the signing, Ambassador Anderson praised the opportunities the J-1 graduate visa offers young Irish adults.
“Over so many years, the J-1 Programs – including both the summer program and the 12 month program – have made a contribution which is hard to overstate. When our young people spend time in each other’s countries, at a formative period in their lives, the experience stays with them long into the future.
“Time and again, throughout my years here as Ambassador, I have heard from Irish political leaders, and decision-makers in every walk of life, about their J-1 experience in the US and the positive imprint it has left on them. The comments are almost always along the same lines: the experience has challenged them, helped them grow, left them with an enduring sense of warmth about this country. It is not that they will always necessarily agree with every aspect of American policy, but they will have a context in which to make an assessment, and a level of understanding they would not otherwise have.”
Assistant Secretary Ryan also brought up the benefits of the program, namely that “The J-1 Exchange Visitor Program provides opportunities for approximately 300,000 exchange visitors per year to experience the United States, its society and culture, and to engage with Americans in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia.
“Ireland plays a vital part in these exchanges, as one of the top sending countries for all J-1 programs. In 2015, more than 10,000 Irish exchange visitors came to the United States,” said Ryan, counting the students who traveled to the US on summer-long J-1 visas in her total.
Ambassador Anderson also spoke to the J-1 Summer program visa, which allows Irish college students to work in the US for four months at a time, typically during the summer break from school, and which the memorandum of understanding does not pertain to.
For 2016, restrictions for the summer J-1 visa increased, stipulating, for the first time, that applicants must have an employment opportunity lined up before they travel to the US. This brought numbers way down – from 7,000 in 2015 to 4, 200 this year.
Anderson defended the program as an important opportunity for all parties involved. “The J-1 Summer Program for fifty years has been a cherished rite of passage for so many young Irish people, and there can be few better examples of public diplomacy in action. The program attracts some of our best and brightest – before they leave, we remind them that they are ambassadors for Ireland; after they return, we see them develop a dual mandate: as well as being the face of Ireland in America, they help communicate America to Ireland.”
The Irish Ambassador also alluded to the new challenges ahead in a Trump presidency.
Read more: J-1 Visa program in peril, says Irish leader
“We are on the threshold of a new Administration taking office in the United States, and we can anticipate that there will be a strong focus on immigration issues. As part of that debate, there is likely to be some consideration of exchange program and the role they play. Ireland will of course be making its case on the wider issues of immigration reform, but we will also be happy to share our tremendously positive experience of J-1 program.
“And our central message will be this: these J-1 programs are not just an act of generosity towards young people, although they certainly offer life changing experiences and opportunities. But they are about so much more than that – conferring mutual benefit, projecting soft power, and building enduring relationships.”
Posted by Jim on December 4, 2016
Posted by Jim on
Sinn Fein has published a discussion document, ‘Towards a United
Ireland’, to lay out the rationale for reunification in terms of the
economy, public services and reconciliation.
The party says it has a vision of a new Ireland which would be built on
the principles of equality and inclusion. It would require a new
constitution and Bill of Rights and a discussion on symbols and emblems
to reflect an inclusive Ireland, the safeguarding of British citizenship
and recognition of the unionist identity.
The party also said that a constitutional model other than a single
unitary state might be needed to ensure the highest democratic standards
Speaking at the launch of the document, deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald
said the party wanted to stimulate debate on the matter. She said that
she would be open to discussions on Ireland joining the British
Commonwealth if unionists were to compromise on reunification.
Sinn Fein MEP Matt Carthy said he would like to see a referendum in the
next political term, adding later it could be within two years.
On the cost of reunification Mr Carthy said the departments of finance
north and south should carry out an analysis. The Six County Minister
for Finance Mairtin O Muilleoir, who attended the event, said
reunification would mean a benefit of 35 billion pounds between now and
According to the document, the issue of affordability has been subject
to “wild speculation”. It criticised the British government for refusing
“to fully open the books” as to what the North costs the British
Calling it the “unaffordability myth”, Sinn Fein challenged the 24
billion pounds figure some commentators claim is spent by the Britain on
the North, and put public spending in the 18 to 20 billion pounds range,
with revenue generated within the North around 15 billion pounds, a far
smaller and more affordable shortfall.
Sinn Fein said “over-estimates of the North’s fiscal deficit are a
political ploy aimed at closing down any debate on Irish unity”. It
estimated that the actual annual deficit is between #2.7 billion and
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams, in a statement launching the document,
asked: “Would anybody with the benefit of hindsight, propose the
partition of Ireland as a measure to resolve conflict, build a
prosperous and fair society or to reconcile people?
“Partition is a failure. A miserable divisive failure. It created
decades of economic decline in the north and in the south, including
“Partition broke essential trade links across the island, sustained
decades of conflict and injustice and established two conservative
elites north and south. The lack of equality and plurality in politics
led to unjust governance and discrimination. The revolutionary social,
economic, and cultural promise of 1916 was replaced by a conservative
counter revolution. During the years of conflict, raising unity was
dismissed by some as tacit support for armed struggle. The conflict is
A Sinn Fein spokesperson also called for a united soccer team. “Irish
sports teams are stronger and better when they are all-Ireland teams,”
they said. “Look at the success of our rugby teams and golfers. As an
all-Ireland organisation the GAA is unmatched by any other sports
organisation. Support for an all-Ireland soccer team is growing. We are
stronger and more successful together.”
Mr Adams pointed out that the Taoiseach had addressed the possibility of
a referendum on Irish unity, and that the the Fianna Fail leader Micheal
Martin had acknowledged that the Brexit vote means that the north should
have a special status within the European Union.
“When the issue of reunification is raised in the Dail, as it is
regularly by Sinn Fein, the response is that now is not the time to talk
about this. The closing down of the debate on unity is akin to saying
that we cannot talk about the future,” he said.
“The imposition of Brexit, despite the vote of the people in the north,
underlines the undemocratic nature of partition and the unequal
relationship between London and Belfast.
“The future constitutional position of the north lies in the hands of
the people of the north and of the south. The Good Friday Agreement
obliges the Irish and British governments to legislate for unity if that
is the choice of the people north and south. So now is the time to look
to the future. We can redefine the relationships across the island and
between Ireland and Britain. This is an exciting time when we can create
a new Ireland.”
The Sinn Fein leader argued that greater plurality and inclusion in the
political process would “radically change the current political status
quo” and act as a challenge for all parties, but that there was a
particular onus on the Dublin government to begin to plan for unity by
drafting a green paper on the issue.
He said Dublin needed to “become a persuader for unity” to drive the
process and build the maximum agreement and to secure and win a border
“Brexit has demonstrated again the failure of partition. Now is the time
to look to the future and to talk about, to plan and to deliver a new
and united Ireland,” he said.
“Sinn Fein will be flexible on the shape of the united Ireland. The
people of this island have the opportunity, not afforded to many
generations, to build a new Ireland.”
Posted by Jim on
The article below from the News Letter ( Belfast) is yet another sad example of anti-Catholic bigotry in Northern Ireland.
The Free Presbyterian Church (of Northern Ireland) is the driving force behind the opposition to the Popeâs possible visit to Northern Ireland. That denomination was founded by Reverend Ian Paisley in 1951, eventually becoming his political power base and the foundation-stone of his politcal party, the DUP (Democratic Unionist Party) which he founded in 1971 to oppose the historic Ulster Unionist Party. Noted for its anti-Catholic bigotry, the DUP would eventually seize power from the Ulster Unionist Party (which itself was far from being pro-Catholic).Arlene Foster defected from the Ulster Unionst Party on December 18, 2003 to join the proudly anti-Catholic DUP. Paisely would later go on to moderate his position and to share power with Sinn Fein. Apparently , because he was seen to be âgoing soft on Catholicsâ he was eventually pushed out of both his Church and politcal party.
Arlene Foster now leads the DUP and is the First Minister of Northern Ireland.It remains to be seen if she will strongly condemn the bigoted opposition of her supporters to the Popeâs visit. She should show decisive leadership and condemn without equivocation or reservation this latest poisonous manifestation of the enduring anti-Catholic bigotry that still exists in a significant section of the Protestant/Unionist community in Northern Ireland.Arlene Foster must act as the co-leader (with Martin Mc Guinness) of â The Beloved Community, â as envisioned by Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. The Beloved Community is the very antithesis of the sectarian community.
âFr. Sean Mc Manus
DUP councillor: Evangelicals should speak out against papal visit
John Finlay, DUP councillor, Ballymoney
Letter to the Editor. News Letter (Belfast). Saturday, December 3, 2016
John Finlay, DUP councilor, Ballymone
After Enda Kenny met with the pope at the Vatican on Monday, he wasted no time in tweeting that a papal visit to Ireland in 2018 was now more likely than ever.
Immediately, the main talking point was whether he would include Northern Ireland in his itinerary.
It was stated that such a visit would be hugely symbolic and a key piece of the peace process jigsaw. Pope John Paul II had been unable to cross the border in 1979 for security concerns, and the Vatican therefore viewed this as âunfinished businessâ.
The media, true to form, were ecstatic about all this, and sound-bites from the great and the good in church and state were eagerly sought and obtained. Rarely have we heard such excitement from certain church âleadersâ.
Needless to say, the usual ecumenical suspects were quick to issue gushing statements of adulation about the wonderful and ever so humble Pope Francis and how universally welcome he would be. Michael Kelly of the âIrish Catholicâ said that while there might be small protests, these would be by âfringe elementsâ.
As an evangelical Protestant, I will not be welcoming a papal visit, and I know I am not alone.
Despite all the pandering to the Pope by senior figures in the main Protestant denominations, the fact remains that many within the Presbyterian, Church of Ireland and Methodist churches are totally opposed to the Popeâs claims and teachings, and to any visit.
It is all very well to assert, as some people have done, that the Popeâs visit should be welcomed on grounds of civil and religious liberties. I can understand that the Roman Catholic people would want to see their leader, but the reality is that no papal visit can be low-key or merely pastoral, for the Pope claims temporal and spiritual power over the whole earth.
He claims to be Vicar of Christ on earth, but the Reformers and Puritans correctly identified him as an enemy of Christ and of the Gospel.
It is worth reminding ourselves of the solemn words of the Westminster Confession of Faith where it states as Chapter 25 para 6, âThere is no other head of the Church but the Lord Jesus Christ. Nor can the Pope of Rome, in any sense, be head thereof; but is that Antichrist, that man of sin, and son of perdition, that exalts himself, in the Church, against Christ and all that is called Godâ.
Those words will be dismissed by some as the bigoted ramblings of a past age, but our Protestant forefathers had a better understanding of these matters than todayâs largely secular and spiritually confused society. I stand where they stood.
It is imperative that all evangelical Protestants in church and state speak out clearly against the planned 2018 visit.
The voice of opposition must be heard.
Posted by Jim on November 30, 2016
Posted by Jim on November 29, 2016
John Sweeney, AFL-CIO President Emeritus and Elizabeth Powell, Secretary-Treasurer, APWU
JOHN SWEENEY ELIZABETH POWELL
CAPITOL HILL. Tuesday, November 29, 2016ââ The recipients of the 2016 World Peace Prize, âRoving Ambassadors for Peaceâ have been announced.
The Prize will go to two leading members of the American Labor Movement: AFL-CIO President Emeritus Mr. John Sweeney and Ms. Elizabeth Powell, Secretary-Treasurer, American Postal Workers Union (APWU).
Fr. Sean Mc Manus â President of the Capitol Hill-based Irish National Caucus and Chief Judge of the World Peace Prize Awarding Council (WPPAC)â said: âI have the honor of being the Chief Judge of the World Peace Prize Awarding Council (headquartered in Seoul, South Korea), and was pleased to be able to propose both John and Elizabeth for the Award on the basis that if one works in solidarity for justice for working men and women, one is, indeed, working for peace. I was delighted that our 14-member panel of international and interfaith judges unanimously agreed. We strongly believe that the Labor Movement should be recognized as powerfully contributing to world peaceâbased on equality and justice. That is, also, why the 2015 World Peace Prize âTop Award was presented to AFL-CIO President Trumka. The âRoving Ambassador for Peaceâ is the second-tier Award.â
The presentation of the âRoving Ambassador for Peaceâ award will take place on Tuesday, February 14, 2017 at 2:30 -4:30 PM at the AFL-CIO Headquarters, 815 16th St., N.W., Washington D.C. 20006.
Fr. Mc Manus explained: âThe World Peace Prize was initiated in Seoul, South Korea in 1989 by the
visionary Reverend Dr. Han Min Su, a Presbyterian Minister who has dedicated his life to promoting world peace by bringing together East and West and representatives of all the major world religions: Judaism, lslam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Catholicism, Protestantism, Russian Orthodox and Zoroastrianism.
Fr. Mc Manus concluded: âJohn Sweeney personifies the strong and proud record of Irish-Americans in the history of the Labor Movementâs struggle for justice. Elizabeth Powell, a strong and proud African- American, is the first woman to hold the position of Secretary-Treasurer in the APWU. She personifies the Dream of Martin Luther King Jr. as she blazes the trail for justice, equality and peace, thereby building up the âBeloved Communityââ the term Dr. King made famous.â
Posted by Jim on November 28, 2016
After five deaths at the jail in the past year, prisons campaigner
Alec McCrory raises concerns about the situation in Maghaberry.
The problems in Maghaberry are systemic ones. Recent suicides are not
explained simply by neglect or failure to follow guidelines for the
management of vulnerable prisoners. No, it goes much deeper into the
system where there is a lack of empathy and basic respect for prisoners.
Screws are not social workers, fair enough, yet they are required to
work with people who suffer from mental health problems and serious
addictions. Also, the level of educational attainment amongst prisoners
is frighteningly low and is reflected in their inability to articulate
concerns and grievance.
The relationship between staff and prisoners is based on a power
differential. This unequal relationship is not conducive to building
understanding and trust between human beings. Every conceivable social
prejudice towards prisoners is present in the general workforce in
Maghaberry; prisoners are scum and are unworthy of proper treatment. A
basic training regime for new recruits does nothing to alter these
prejudices at the individual or collective level.
For example, I was up visiting a friend today and nothing seems to have
changed regarding the attitude of some staff members. A female screw
with a well earned reputation for being a bigot was her usual abrasive
self. Although this was a minor issue it is reflective of the hostility
that exists within that institution which is responsible for many of the
problems we see today. I would not trust that woman with the care of a
dog to say nothing of prisoners for whom she has the upmost disdain.
During the exchange I noticed she was not displaying an identification
number on her uniform. When I challenged her on this she said it was
none of my business and that she was not answerable to the likes of me.
I reminded her that a court ruling last year required all members of
staff to wear numbers for identification purposes and that the
compliance date was long past: to which she merely shrugged her
shoulders. Why an ignoramus such as this is allowed to engage with the
public is typical of the blase attitude of those responsible for
managing the prison.
Finally, Maghaberry requires a complete overhaul at every level of the
system. This will only happen when the political parties at Stormont
begin to take the matter seriously. Successive reports have damned the
prison as being totally unfit for purpose. As prisons are now a devolved
matter, the responsibility for the present crisis sits squarely on the
shoulders of the local parties; the major portion resting with the
devilish DUP/Sinn Fein coalition. How many more deaths must there be,
how many more damming reports, how many more protests before this
nightmare institution is put to rights?
Posted by Jim on
The family of a US citizen killed by the RUC (now PSNI) police in 1997
have accused those involved of being part of a “conspiracy of silence”.
Police Ombudsman Michael Maguire this week confirmed an inquest finding
that it was “highly probable” that one or more RUC members were
responsible for the injuries which contributed to John Hemsworth’s
Mr Hemsworth was left with a broken jaw and bruising to his neck and
back following the assault. He suffered a stroke six months later and
died on New Year’s Day 1998, at the age of 39.
The attack happened during a night of rioting in west Belfast linked to
the Drumcree dispute in Portadown, where the RUC attempted to force a
sectarian Orange Order parade down the nationalist Garvaghy Road.
Members of the dead man’s family pursued the case for 18u years despite
being repeatedly fobbed off by the Six County authorities. The resulting
inquest and an investigation by the Police Ombudsman’s office confirmed
John Hemsworth was in the same location as the PSNI members at the time
of the fatal assault.
Mr Hemsworth’s daughter Danielle welcomed the Police Ombudsman’s
findings but said they were “deeply upset and concerned” that those
responsible continue to evade accountability and justice.
“At the very minimum if these serving officers cannot recall the assault
on my daddy, despite numerous investigations and an inquest, then are
they really fit to serve as police officers?”, she said.
Her mother Collette Hemsworth said it had been an “emotionally
exhausting journey in establishing the truth and the facts surrounding
“I was robbed of my loving husband and my daughter of her devoted
father,” she said.
“Nothing can ever replace that aching gap in our lives. The cherished
memories we have of John remain with us every single day. He was a
wonderful human being who would not have harmed a living soul and yet he
was so cruelly set upon.”
The victim’s brother Paul Hemsworth said his father died without seeing
the completed report.
“The RUC officers’ lack of co-operation since this time has led to an
18-year delay,” he said. “My brother was in the wrong place at the wrong
time. Let this be on the RUC officers’ conscience.”
Relatives for Justice director Mark Thompson said it was astonishing
that none of the PSNI men interviewed could recall the incident. “We
find this situation beyond incredible,” he said.
Posted by Jim on November 23, 2016
Claire Simpson.Irish News (Belfast). Wednesday, November 23, 2016
THE Orange Order has hit out at the reappointment of the existing Parades Commissioners, saying the Secretary of State’s decision “amounts to nothing more than rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic”.
James Brokenshire announced on Monday that he has reappointed the five commissioners – Anne Henderson, Sarah Havlin, Paul Hutchinson, Colin Kennedy and Geraldine McGahey – for up to three years, subject to review in a year’s time.
He said he would also phase in “staggered appointments” to the commission over the next three years.
However, the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland said it was frustrated by the move and said new parading legislation was needed.
“While the commissioners have over the years made some illogical, stupid and unjust decisions, including rewarding dissident violence; their reappointment amounts to nothing more than rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic,” it said.
“Mr Brokenshire’s statement offers no hope that the current debacle will be replaced with fair and equitable legislation. It ignores the wishes of the leadership of unionism, all of whom have stated that the current legislation is not fit for purpose, underscoring that politics has failed the Orange family in respect of creating a level playing field for parading.”
The Grand Lodge said recent resolutions to contentious parades, including in Ardoyne in north Belfast, “were in spite of the Parades Commission, not because of them”.
“Indeed, their existence hindered solutions,” it said.
TUV leader Jim Allister said he was “disappointed” by the reappointments and added that laws around parades need to change.
“Fundamental legislative change is imperative to establish a presumption in favour of traditional routes and parades on main arterial routes, as they are a shared space,” he said.
Posted by Jim on
John Manley. Irish News (Belfast). Tuesday, November 22, 2016
THE secretary of state has called on the Stormont executive to “play their part” in ensuring any process for dealing with the past is a success.
Nationalists have blamed the British government’s ‘national security veto’ for stalling progress, while disagreement between the DUP and Sinn Féin is thought to be holding up funding for historical inquests.
Writing in The Irish News today, James Brokenshire, pictured, says that since he took office in July many victims and survivors have voiced their disappointment and occasional anger at the failure to agree on a process for dealing with the past.
He says the British government is committed to implementing the Stormont House Agreement’s “balanced and proportionate structures” for dealing with legacy issues and that everyone in the north has a stake in making the new institutions work.
The secretary of state also signals the likelihood of a forthcoming public consultation but says the success or failure of the process does rest solely with the British government.
“It will not hinge on a national security ‘veto’ – that simplistic characterisation fails to recognise that the UK government has agreed to disclose all relevant material it holds to the Historical Investigation Unit, with appropriate, independent oversight of its onward transmission to ensure lives are protected today,” he writes.
Mr Brokenshire’s comments come against the background of a freshly published report on legacy by UN Special Rapporteur Pablo de Greiff which concluded that national security concerns cannot override the state’s obligations to provide information about the past.
The SDLP’s Alex Attwood described the secretary of state’s argument on national security as “disingenuous”.
“The national security veto is about London blocking disclosure on anything they think they don’t want to put into the public domain,” he said.
“To portray it otherwise dowses not build confidence this late in the conversation.”
Posted by Jim on November 22, 2016
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the United States’ only Catholic president—the count is now running 44-to-1, which by any bookmaker’s cheat sheet are pretty amazing, skewered odds—once said: “There are three things in life: God, human folly, and laughter. The first two are beyond our comprehension, we must make the best of the third.” On November 22, 1963 the laughter died, not only for JFK, but also for the United States of America.
For most baby boomers, there are two dates that stick out in their minds—November 22, 1963 and September 11, 2001. Both moments of unbelievable national tragedy. But maybe 11/22/63 was a little tougher because all Americans knew the man. He barely won the 1960 election—although the following year over 60% of Americans said they voted for him—but he brought something special to the White House—a beautiful young family, laughter, culture and class. Whatever you feel about Kennedy, the rest of the world saw this man who represented the United States of America and what they felt was simple—hope.
Kennedy was uniquely Irish. He was the great-grandchild of immigrants from County Wexford. Thanks to his family’s great wealth he never suffered poverty or hard discrimination—save for those Boston Brahmins who thought him “Shanty Irish”—but in his gut he was a Fenian. In this day of draft-dodging political cowards—“Chickenhawk” is the perfect description—he used his father’s influence to get into the United States Navy during World War II. As the skipper of the PT-109 in the hotly contested Solomon Islands his plywood boat was cut in half by a Japanese destroyer during night action and he was violently flung back on the bridge, ruining his back for the rest of his life. He gathered his crew around him, saving a badly burnt crewmate by slipping a belt under his arms, putting the belt in his teeth, and towing the man to an island. For his valor he was awarded the Navy and Marine Corp Medal and the Purple Heart. That’s a far cry from recent presidents who were outright draft-dodgers or hiding out in safe places like the Texas National Guard.
A Triumphant Year
The last year of Kennedy’s life was a whirlwind. In October 1962, he faced down the Russians over missiles in Cuba. The generals wanted war, but the President, who knew war firsthand, managed a negotiated settlement which the world saw as a win for the young President.
The first half of 1963 brought unparalleled success to Kennedy. On June 11, 1963, he gave a nationally televised speech about Civil Rights where he called upon Americans to give equal rights to their fellow Negro citizens because “We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.”
In 1964 Lyndon Johnson would pass JFK’s Civil Rights Bill just as it was written by Kennedy. On June 26, 1963, Kennedy gave his famous “Ich bin ein Berliner” speech in Berlin which built up the hopes of the population of Berlin while warning the Russians that their time would come.
Home to Ireland
Immediately after Berlin, he flew to Ireland, where he was greeted on the tarmac at Dublin Airport by President Eamon de Valera.
The RTE feed is one of unabashed pride as it reads: “Welcome Mr. President.”
Kennedy went on to address the Irish Parliament, the Dáil, but the thing that stands out on that Dublin visit is that he took the time to visit Arbour Hill where 14 of the sixteen martyrs of the Easter Rebellion are buried in a mass grave. He is the only American President to pay his respects to these murdered leaders. It is poignant to see him reading the names of the patriots on the side of the grave as Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister) Seán Lemass, who knew many of these men, walks at the President’s side.
Kennedy took pride in his Irishness as one can see from this clip when the Clancy Brothers and Tommy Makem sang “We Want No Irish Here” for the President. Liam Clancy’s cheeky introduction manages to elicit a huge smile out of the President.
JFK said goodbye to Ireland at Shannon Airport in County Clare, but promised “I’ll come back in the spring,” but he had already lived his last spring.
Tragedy Strikes, Then Dallas
August was to prove a momentous month for Kennedy. On August 5, 1963, he signed the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, which made the world safer for every human being, but just four days later tragedy struck when his infant son, Patrick Bouvier Kennedy, died two days after his birth.
Mrs. Kennedy disappeared for months but reemerged in November for a two-day political tour of the Texas cities of San Antonio, Houston, Fort Worth and Dallas.
JFK was greeted by fantastic crowds in supposedly hostile territory and you can see the President obviously enjoying himself as he and the First Lady work the crowds. In his last speech, he issued a prescient warning saying we live in “a very dangerous and uncertain world.”
On the arrival of Air Force One at the ironically named Love Field in Dallas, the President and Mrs. Kennedy again worked the crowd, but, in the background there can be seen a Confederate flag stubbornly flying, reminding the world that not everyone approved of his Civil Rights agenda. Twenty minutes later the President was shot and a shocked nation listened to Walter Cronkite, in tears, give the terrible news of the assassination of the nation’s 35th president.
John F. Kennedy was President for less than three years, but in that short span of time he pointed the nation towards the 21st century. He steered the nation to outer space and the moon explaining that “We do these things not because they are easy, but because they are hard.”
JFK set about fulfilling President Lincoln’s promise to the slaves at home and promoting peace abroad, sending American volunteers around the world serving in the Peace Corp.
He was not without his faults. He was a man with a weakness for the flesh, but he did not blatantly brag about it. He tried to lift a nation and push it forward—and he succeeded. That’s why 53 years after his death he is still fondly remembered around the world, especially in the small island nation which gave the world his family.
Posted by Jim on
John Manley. Irish News. Monday, November, 21, 2016
National security concerns cannot override the British state’s obligations to provide information about the past, a hard-hitting UN report has concluded.
The report, by UN special rapporteur Pablo De Greiff has been welcomed by campaign group Relatives for Justice, which says the report echoes calls for the Lord Chief Justice Declan Morgan’s plan on legacy inquests to be resourced and implemented.
Mr De Greiff’s report on the “promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence” was compiled on the back of two visits to the north over the past 12 months.
It comes in the midst of a logjam on dealing with the past.
Despite widespread acknowledgement that the legacy element of the Stormont House Agreement should be implemented, the process has snagged due to a British government national security veto coupled with a hold-up in the release of funding from Stormont for historic inquests.
The UN special rapporteur recommends that support is given to the Lord Chief Justice’s inquest proposals, while saying that national security considerations should “not override obligations stemming from the right to truth”
Relatives for Justice director Mark Thompson, left, said the report was “excellent”.
He said it underlined the need for a process for dealing with the past that was “comprehensive, fully inclusive, robust and above all independent”.
“We welcome his commentary and advices around fully inclusive processes and the need for thematic processes including examination of structural violence and the needs of the injured as well as the bereaved,” he said.
“In particular we welcome his commentary on reparations for victims in which he states these issues should be tackled seriously and systemically.”
Mr Thompson said Mr De Greiff had called for the full implementation of the mechanisms agreed at Stormont House, including the provision by the British government of “effective resources enabling them to function correctly”.
“Noting persistent failures around independence, namely the HET [Historical Enquiries Team] and delays around inquests, he has underlined the need for independence and adequate resourcing in all mechanisms to deal with the past as critical to their success,” he said.
“We agree that the issue of inclusiveness around victims, should be based on a human rights framework.
“This must not be sectarian or driven by sectional interests that seek to separate victims and their needs, which has to date promoted and fostered division – we welcome the comments which seek to promote bridge building.”
Mr Thompson also noted how Mr De Greiff addressed the “absence of a gender lens” in his report, noting how “the majority of those killed were male and those left picking up the pieces were women”.
Sinn Féin welcomed the report. Party spokesperson on legacy issues, Jennifer McCann said it was comprehensive in detail and the party would take time to study its content.
“What is clear is that an international body such as the UN has placed the British government’s failure to deal with past in any comprehensive manner in the dock,” she said.
“Sinn Féin and others have agreed mechanisms to deal with the past which the British government have so far refused to implement.
“The British government need to take heed of this report and implement its recommendations in full, including issues which Sinn Féin has highlighted such as disclosure, resourcing of mechanisms and the need to adequately fund legacy investigations and inquests.”UN report: Security cannot override state’s obligations to information
Posted by Jim on November 19, 2016
A big arms find in UDA’s Belfast HQ in 1981 proved embarrassing for a
British government resisting calls to outlaw the group but trying to
appear even-handed. An extract from ‘A State in Denial: The British
Government and Loyalist Paramilitaries’ by Margaret Urwin.
In terms of the politics of proscription [of the UDA], we have always
regarded the existence of such denials as more important than their
accuracy. – C. Davenport, NIO official
On 26 May 1981, at the height of tensions over the IRA/INLA hunger
strike, the RUC searched the headquarters of the UDA in Newtownards
Road, Belfast, and discovered the following weapons: one Thompson
sub-machine gun, six home-made Sten guns, a .45 revolver and 550 rounds
of ammunition. According to official records UDA man Robert McDevitt was
arrested, while Andy Tyrie was merely interviewed. However, The Irish
Times stated that two men were arrested along with Tyrie. The discovery
prompted a debate amongst top civil servants, ministers and the chief
constable. If involvement in outright sectarian murders was not
sufficient cause to ban the UDA, would catching the organisation
red-handed, with a deadly arms cache in its headquarters, be enough?
Surely a Rubicon of sorts had been crossed?
This certainly triggered a flurry of internal memos between senior NIO
officials. Assistant Secretary Stephen Boys-Smith, wrote to P. W. J.
Buxton about the arms discovery, noting Buxton’s views at a meeting with
the secretary of state the previous day regarding UDA proscription.
Buxton had told Humphrey Atkins:
“The UDA is not now engaged in violence although it might be ready to
resort to or encourage violence in extreme situations. The organisation
reflects certain strands of the thinking of the Protestant community and
it would be a substantial step to proscribe it.”
This statement was simply untrue. The UDA was, at that time, engaged in
violence. In March, it killed Paul Blake, a Catholic, and – just ten
days before the arms find – another Catholic, Patrick Martin. Buxton
also ignored the high-profile attempted murder of the McAliskeys.
Some senior NIO officials had certainly been expecting an upsurge in UDA
violence in response to the election of IRA hunger-striker Bobby Sands
in the Fermanagh/south Tyrone by-election held on 9 April 1981. David
Blatherwick had written to D. J. Wyatt in April stating that they were
aware ‘that the UDA is currently considering a major escalation in
violence as a response to Sands’ victory’.
At a meeting on 1 June Atkins expressed concern that the police had
failed to make arrests following the discovery of the arms and had not
sought extensions of detention while pursuing their enquiries.
Justifiably, he worried that the police would not be seen to have acted
as might have been expected had a similar discovery been made elsewhere,
rather than at UDA headquarters.
In a note to John Blelloch, deputy secretary, NIO, dated 3 June, Buxton
reported on his questioning of the chief constable, Sir John Hermon, the
previous night about the failure to bring charges; he had put it to
Hermon that he could have used Section 9 of the Northern Ireland
(Emergency Provisions) Act 1978 to do so.
Buxton had advised that Section 9 provided that when arms were found ‘in
premises of which a person was the occupier and which he habitually used
otherwise than as a member of the public’, that might be accepted as
sufficient proof of illegal possession of arms, unless the person could
prove ignorance. The section reversed the onus of proof – under Section
9 a person was not presumed innocent until proven guilty, but rather had
to prove their innocence. Hermon had agreed that it had proven useful in
other cases. In what appears to be a barely veiled criticism of the
chief constable, Buxton advised Blelloch that ‘Hermon still needs to
focus on the continued possibility of laying charges’.
It was a busy time for Buxton. In a long memo to the secretary of
state’s private secretary, he discussed the arms discovery and echoed
the secretary of state’s regrets that it was dealt with at divisional
level without reference to RUC headquarters.
Either Andy Tyrie had very strong powers of persuasion, or the RUC
regarded arms finds in the loyalist community very differently from arms
finds in the republican community. After the local detective chief
superintendent had taken him and the relevant UDA keyholders in for
questioning, they had satisfied their interrogators they had no
connection with or knowledge of the arms and were soon released without
charge, including McDevitt. Buxton reported that the chief constable had
conceded that it might have been ‘convenient’ to hold them for a couple
of days, but, he added, the action taken, ‘professionally speaking’, was
defensible. He explained that the UDA was a tenant of the property, not
the owner, and the NIO had been unable to establish the status of other
properties in which the UDA had an interest. He argued that if the UDA
were proscribed, it would cause the organisation no difficulty to
‘declare themselves under another name’ and re-register properties under
Buxton then presented the pros and cons of proscription. Points in
favour were that statements by Andy Tyrie in recent months had come
close to admissions of direct involvement in the ‘direction of
terrorism’. In The Washington Star the previous week, Tyrie had defended
assassinations and taken responsibility for ‘the small offensive unit
called UFF’. The arms find at UDA headquarters lent tangible credence to
these statements. Inaction by the government would put its credibility
and that of the RUC at risk when they claimed an even-handed approach to
law enforcement, he said. Proscription would please the Irish government
and Irish-American circles and might act as a ‘sweetener’ to the
‘beleaguered Catholic community’.
The points against proscription were that Tyrie had played a ‘generally
helpful’ role in stabilising loyalist opinion. If the UDA were to be
proscribed, he would lose control, creating a ‘second front’ for the
security forces when they were fully stretched on the main front,
combatting the IRA. They could expect disturbances in Protestant areas,
just when the marching season was beginning; the conviction of UDA
wrongdoers would be more difficult, given the ‘general disaffection’ and
drying up of intelligence sources. It would alienate the ‘Protestant
community’, even those who had no sympathy with the UDA; the
organisation had just unveiled some worthy plans for a new political
movement – proscription would probably nip that in the bud.
Buxton imparted the views of Hermon, who he said was firmly of the view
that this was an inopportune time to proscribe the UDA. In Hermon’s
view, two conditions would have to be satisfied – the politico-security
scene must be quiet (meaning that the hunger strike crisis must be
past), and the UDA should have developed politically to a point ‘where
the mass of dormant membership and the “social welfare/community worker”
elements had been syphoned off, leaving a rump of hard men (loosely
speaking the UFF) and an ordinary criminal fringe ripe for
The chief constable had warned Buxton that, if the government decided to
proceed with proscription, it could not count upon his support, and he
hoped to be given the chance to state his views before a final decision
was taken, preferably at a meeting with the secretary of state. Although
not quite a veto, this does seem to be the chief constable exerting an
undue influence on government policy. If ministers decided not to
proscribe for the moment, Hermon would be glad to be quoted in support
of the decision. His chief argument was the ‘demonstrable efforts of the
RUC to bring members of the UDA to book and the obstacles which
proscription would place in their way in the future’.
Buxton agreed that a strong argument could be advanced about the
prosecution of UDA members and suggested it was proof of the RUC’s bona
fides in claiming an even-handed approach and no sanctuary for the UDA.
He suggested that, in security terms, proscription would be
counterproductive and politically would tend to aggravate rather than
ease intercommunal tensions and provoke demands for similar action,
which they would be very reluctant to take at present, against
‘supposedly similar’ republican organisations. He concluded by
recommending that the secretary of state should not proscribe the UDA
but should keep the matter under close review, agreeing with Hermon that
if Atkins felt unable to accept his recommendation, he should invite the
chief constable to present his case before a final decision was made.
Boys-Smith, in a most revealing memo, wrote to Blelloch on 5 June,
reminding him of a remark by Atkins that proscription would ‘deprive the
security forces of the access which they presently had to those members
of the UDA who were also active in terrorism’.
As can be seen from the de Silva report into the murder of Pat Finucane,
around 85 per cent of all UDA intelligence information was coming from
the various branches of the British security forces at this time.
Clearly the ‘access’ worked in both directions, and to the UDA’s
benefit. According to a BBC Panorama programme, Lord Stevens, during his
investigations, arrested 210 loyalist paramilitary suspects, of whom 207
were agents or informants for the state.
A document included in de Silva’s report, headed ‘Collusion between the
security forces and loyalist paramilitaries’, observes that the flow of
intelligence to the UDA increased significantly around the time of the
Anglo-Irish Agreement: ‘However, it is assessed that research of
intelligence dating from previous years would be likely to reveal a
similar picture to that given in the attached document.’ Boys-Smith
appreciated that proscription would alienate sections of the ‘Protestant
community’ and agreed that it ‘would not be right at present to
proscribe the UDA’, although he noted that Atkins had again expressed
concern at how the discovery of arms at UDA headquarters and the
associated police action would be interpreted, especially if the UDA was
not proscribed. ‘He feared the Government and police would not appear
impartial, and that, even if there were good grounds for not bringing
prosecutions, they were not ones which would necessarily be understood
in the Catholic community or generally in Great Britain or elsewhere.’
The chief constable, he advised, had called on the secretary of state
later that day. Atkins remarked that Hermon was opposed to proscription
‘at this stage’ as he ‘thought it would be unhelpful to the preservation
of security’. He accepted the chief constable’s advice but told Hermon
he was ‘concerned about the perception of events’, both in terms of the
discovery of arms and the subsequent arrests and about the continuing
police investigation. Boys-Smith commented that the secretary of state
had to be mindful of ‘the questions which would be asked of him in
Parliament and by his colleagues and others in Great Britain’. While he
was ready to answer the suggestion that the UDA should be proscribed
‘because of the misdeeds of a few of its members’ and he had up to then
believed he could do so effectively, the discovery of arms created ‘a
different situation’. The UDA as a whole was seen to be involved, and
Atkins worried that ‘questions about its future were bound to be
raised’. Many people would assume that the UDA’s ‘Chairman’ (Tyrie) and
other officers could be held responsible; ‘this might be the case
particularly with those who knew of Section 9 of the Northern Ireland
(Emergency Provisions) Act 1978’.
Boys-Smith observed that Atkins had suggested the criticism would be
muted if there were arrests and prosecutions. He appreciated that
prosecutions were only possible if there was a reasonable chance of
conviction, but believed ‘a legitimate prosecution which failed in the
courts might be better than no prosecution at all’. He stressed to
Hermon the sensitivity of the situation and the importance of taking
action which would minimise the harmful reaction.
The chief constable reiterated that he did not believe UDA proscription
at the present time was the right way to go and asserted:
“Most UDA members did not act illegally and the organisation was not
active in violence. Only a small core of its members was involved in
terrorism or illegal activities and they were not a sufficient reason
for proscription. There was a good record of success against Protestant
extremists which would be hindered rather than helped by proscription.”
Hermon conceded that ‘the immediate aftermath of the discovery of arms
had been badly handled by his officers’ – the release of the three
suspects ‘had been premature, given the context in which the arrests had
been made, and the decision had not been referred to a suitably senior
level in the Force … He did not believe that charges could be brought
against the officers of the UDA’, notwithstanding Section 9 of the
Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act and was opposed to
prosecutions that would result in acquittals. He had assured Atkins that
enquiries ‘were being pursued urgently and energetically’ to try to
identify those who might be involved and to arrest and detain them for
While politicians such as Atkins might have claimed ignorance of the
true nature of the UDA, no such excuse was available to Hermon. As chief
constable, he had full access to Special Branch intelligence and would
have been well aware of the widespread involvement of the UDA in
assassinations, bombings, extortion and intimidation.
In the month before the arms find, NIO official D. F. E. (Frances)
Elliot drafted a letter to a Mr McNamara of Liverpool in answer to his
letter requesting the proscription of the UDA, dated 25 March. Ms Elliot
explained that the secretary of state was not, at present, going to
proscribe the UDA. She wrote that the decision was based:
“on the difference between an organisation as such being engaged in
terrorist activities (as for example, the PIRA or the UFF, both of which
are proscribed) and individuals (who also happen to be members of an
organisation) committing crimes.”
This oft-repeated disingenuous and subtle distinction was based on two
false premises. First, the UFF was not a separate organisation but
merely a cover name for the UDA. Second, it assumes that ‘individuals’
who carried out acts of terror were acting alone and were not being
directed by leaders of the UDA.
Michael Canavan of the SDLP persisted in his efforts to have the UDA
proscribed. On 1 June he wrote again to the secretary of state with new
information to bolster his case, referring to seventeen members of the
UDA convicted of terrorist offences; an Ulster Television Counterpoint
programme detailing UDA gun-running from Scotland; the judicial
comments, not only of Justice Murray at the trial of the killer of
Alexander Reid, but also of Justice McDermott (3 April), Justice Rowland
(18 April) and Justice Doyle (24 March and 28 May); and armed attacks on
at least five persons, one fatal.
Having taken the decision not to proscribe the organisation, officials
struggled to decide whether or not to inform Canavan of this. In a
remarkably cavalier response to Canavan’s dogged and justifiable
concern, C. Davenport of the Law and Order Division of the NIO advised
against informing him, noting that ‘interest in the UDA has gone off the
Posted by Jim on November 18, 2016
The 1916 Societies note renewed claims of ownership by the British government, in the words of six-county Secretary of State James Brokenshire in the British House of Commons, to the ‘whole of Lough Foyle’, a disputed Irish waterway bordering Derry and Donegal contested since the time of partition.
The claims of James Brokenshire and the state he represents, the so-called United Kingdom, are an outworking of the continued violation of Irish national sovereignty by that same state. They are wholly without foundation given Britain has no democratic title in Ireland. Lough Foyle, as all of Ireland and her territorial waters, belongs as of right to the Irish people and to them should be returned.
The 1916 Proclamation declared the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, holding that right as sovereign and indefeasible, a position endorsed by overwhelming majority through the historic 1918 Election. With that in mind and like all Britain’s claims to Irish territory, this latest grab for the Foyle and her resources represents the imposition of force in defiance of democracy for British imperial gain.
Britain, then, should abandon not only her claims to Lough Foyle but with it her claim to the Six Counties, which remains integral to the Irish Nation regardless those claims. Their sovereignty restored, the Irish people, through democratic engagement among and between their number, can then agree new constitutional arrangements for a modern all-Ireland republic.
The British government must end its involvement in the internal affairs of our nation, that our right to self-determination might proceed without impediment. An independent all-Ireland republic, as freely agreed by our people, can at that point go forward by national referendum, restoring the ownership of Ireland to the people of Ireland as remains their inalienable right.
As the great James Connolly once asserted, Britain ‘has no right in Ireland, never had any right in Ireland, and never can have any right in Ireland’. It remains ever thus. Britain, then, should drop her undemocratic claims to our country and leave, allowing a peaceful tomorrow for the Irish people in a democratic republic for all.
Posted by Jim on November 17, 2016
Brian Feeney. Irish News (Belfast).Wednesday,November 16, 2016
You might wonder what republican and nationalist representatives on the Policing Board are for.
A few years ago it emerged they had been asleep at the wheel while the PSNI[Police Service of Northern Ireland] operated a revolving door policy of recruiting through an agency former RUC personnel, many of whom had trousered [pocketed] huge redundancy payments. Many of them were given sensitive back -office work which could have involved investigating former colleagues or blocking investigation.
Those representatives haven’t been much help to Dr Michael Maguire the Police Ombudsman when he faced obstruction by the PSNI especially in the provision of evidential documents. He had to sue the previous chief constable to obtain certain documents.
They have been worryingly silent on the current low levels of Catholic recruitment after the three-year recruitment freeze ended a couple of years ago. In the tranche of recruits in 2015 only 77 of the 400 new police were Catholic. Around the same time as that figure was revealed in September 2015 the PSNI committed an equally revealing PR gaffe when they said they were very anxious to recruit more women and ‘people from west of the Bann’. Wrong: the priority is to recruit more Catholics and guess what? Women can be Catholics too.
One of the basic principles of the Patten report was that the PSNI should ensure that its composition was not dissimilar to the society which they police. After the idiotic decision by Owen Paterson, under Unionist pressure, to abolish 50-50 recruitment Catholic take-up has fallen consistently. The Catholic total in the PSNI is now stuck at 30 per cent compared to the Catholic percentage of the population now around 46 per cent and growing.
There’s another vital aspect that’s often overlooked. Well, in fact always overlooked by nationalist representatives on the Policing Board. How many Catholics are in senior command and management positions in the PSNI? Last year’s complaints about lack of women recruits came at a time when the most senior woman in the police, the deputy chief constable, was retiring. It was commented that there were only two women chief superintendents in the PSNI. No one, certainly not on the Policing Board, regretted the tiny number of Catholics in senior positions.
Here are the figures. According to the PSNI monitoring of the religious breakdown supplied to the Equality Commission, there are 506 people of the rank of inspector and above. Of those 92, or 18 per cent are Catholic, 396 or 78 per cent Protestant. Taking the total police service, full and part-time, which is 7,221, seven per cent are inspector or above, yet only 1.2 per cent of the total are Catholic. Eight per cent of Protestants in the police are inspectors or above, but only 4 per cent of Catholics. Not good is it?
Now you can understand how this has come about. After all, most of those in senior ranks will have been serving in the RUC or some other force for more than the 16 years the PSNI has been in existence. Nevertheless what, if any, action plan is there to accelerate Catholic officers to make up the shortfall in higher ranks? For women there is a gender action plan “to ensure their progress in regard to female career development.”
Given the evidence that Catholics are less likely to apply to join the police, are less likely to be successful in their application, and more likely to leave early, this imbalance is certain to persist well into the future. Unless there’s a radical change to recruiting policy, in 10 years time when there’s a nationalist voting majority we’ll arrive at the bizarre situation where the Protestant minority is in a substantial majority at all levels in the police. At present it is arithmetically impossible for the situation to change.
The silence among nationalist and republican representatives about the recruiting crisis, for that’s what it is, is a disgrace. It seems that because they have invested so much political capital in supporting the police they feel they can’t criticize its functioning however unsatisfactory. This failure to hold the PSNI to account, and not simply about the egregious religious imbalance, is particularly acute in the case of Sinn Féin which has most to lose as they sit there demonstrating that the Policing Board is a paper tiger.
Posted by Jim on November 15, 2016
Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness has renewed a controversy over his party’s
‘outreach’ efforts after he was spotted at a royal reception in London
in which the English queen Elizabeth Windsor unveiled a new painting of
Windsor was joined by Mr McGuinness as she unveiled the new portrait to
celebrate her role in the peace process on Tuesday. DUP leader Arlene
Foster, 26 County Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald and Windsor’s
husband, ‘Duke of Edinburgh’ Philip Mountbatten, were also on hand as
the painting was revealed to the gala event.
McGuinness applauded as the monarch pulled the satin cover off the
painting at a reception in Chelsea on Tuesday. He later posed beside the
portrait by Belfast-born artist Colin Davidson and again shook hands
with the queen, recreating the historic moment in 2012 which was said to
have inspired the portrait. He said: “I think she’s made a tremendous
contribution to support the whole process of peace and reconciliation.”
Sinn Fein has said its engagements with the English royals are part of a
process to recognise and respect the unionist tradition in Ireland. But
Mr McGuinness’s attendance at such royal events, including a banquet at
Windsor Castle two years ago, has repeatedly angered his party’s
The failure of unionists to reciprocate is the source of much of the
frustration, and the DUP’s campaign to inhibit use of the Irish language
in the north of Ireland is one example which was again highlighted this
DUP minister Peter Weir adopted a new policy which sets out “the
principal language is English” and ended the use of Irish in
correspondence from the Six-County Department of Education. Official
letters had previously been written in both English and Irish, but the
use of Irish would is now deprecated.
Sinn Fein’s Niall O Donnghaile – who sits on the Irish Seanad – said the
DUP had politicised the language.
“When you have a minister for education, who has a statutory obligation
to promote and enhance the development of Irish medium education, taking
the decision to shut out the visibility of Irish and saying it will be
an English-only department, then that is ill intent, that is negative
and that is politicising.
“The DUP are punishing thousands of children from every religious and
Responding to the development, Mr McGuinness admitted that some within
the DUP “hate anything Irish”.
He said: “There’s a cohort of people within the DUP who hate anything to
do with the Irish language”, adding: “We have to deal with the reality
that the political institutions we’re part of are institutions that
bring into government people who have different views about many of
NO FRESH START
Sinn Fein is facing mounting internal pressure over the failure of
last year’s ‘Fresh Start’ agreement on dealing with the past conflict.
There have also been conflicting messages over whether the party is
ready to make a historic decision to take up its seats in Westminster
While Martin McGuinness has refused to rule out the possibility, party
leader Gerry Adams has again insisted this week it wouldn’t happen.
“We were elected – and it was my great honour to represent the people of
Belfast for a long time – to not take our seats in the British
parliament,” he said.
“It is a foreign parliament. It is not our parliament and we owe no
allegiance to the English queen. We wish her well and we wish the people
of Britain well.”
During sharp exchanges in the Dublin parliament, opposition Fianna Fail
leader Micheal Martin said Sinn Fein’s approach was a “curious form of
abstentionism because they have never abstained from taking the salaries
or the expenses from Westminster or the Saxon shilling”, which he
estimated at “a couple million”.
He claimed that a principled form of abstention would be to abstain
altogether. Mr Adams said Mr Martin “would not be an expert on
principles”, adding: “you should look in the mirror” — referring to
Fianna Fail’s continued abstention on key votes in the Dublin parliament
order to sustain the Fine Gael-led minority government.
Posted by Jim on
By Cait Trainor
Tony Taylor, a Derry Republican has now been interned for 7 months.
Tony is a normal family man with a wife, children and responsibilities
just like everyone else, he has been interned at the behest of the
British Secretary of State in Ireland and has no charge against him, he
has no case to answer and he has no trial to face. So why exactly is
Tony Taylor in Jail? Why was he taken from his home and placed
indefinitely in a prison cell? He certainly doesn’t know why nor does
his family or lawyers; his predicament can be summed up with only one
word – Internment!
This is a word that in 2016 people are hesitant to use, it has an
emotive history in Ireland, where hundreds of people in the 70’s had
been wholesale subjected to internment. There are even those who
somewhat support Tony who are at pains to avoid using this word when
talking about Tony’s case, yet anyone with the faintest knowledge of
British abuse again Irish Republicans will know that internment is
exactly what Tony is a victim of.
It is no secret that Tony Taylor is an ex Republican political prisoner
and indeed is still a proud and active Republican. Tony had served 3
years previously in Jail and was released in 2014. Tony was a member of
Republican Network for Unity, a perfectly legal Political organisation
and he contributed significantly to the local politics in Derry raising
issues such as benefit cuts, prison conditions and policing issues.
It is precisely this, Tony’s politics which has led to his internment.
Ireland in 2016 is a cold house for Republicanism, anyone who doesn’t
rubber stamp the good Friday agreement is a threat to the state, state
sanctioned harassment is a daily occurrence for Irish Republicans and in
Tony’s case it would seem to me that the extreme of internment has been
used against him to try and make him toe the political line.
Of course we have seen this before, in the last few years a number of
high profile interments have taken place such as that of Martin Corey
and Marian Price, Tony is just the latest victim and undoubtedly he
won’t be the last. The revocation of Tony’s licence is justified
ostensibly with the line that he is a “risk to the Public”. Any
justification they are using to intern Tony is of course subject to
secrecy with neither Tony nor his legal team able to see any evidence
against him, which of course means he cannot be defended against any
The current climate worldwide allows governments to act in this secret
and abusive way, the general public are happy to believe that these
“measures” are taken for their protection that “they” must have a good
and valid reason for doing it and that is as far as their thinking goes.
This apathy of the general public is essential for governments carrying
out this sort of abuse and so it’s up to us all to highlight to the
general public why they should be concerned, such is the apathy that
these secret agencies do not even need to go through the bother of
creating trumped up charges.
Tony Taylor is a victim of the secret Police and agencies working in
Ireland, instead of transparently enforcing the rule of law and being
subject to public scrutiny as ordinary police agencies do, their modus
operandi is to operate beyond and above the law in order to suppress
political dissent, anyone who comes under the scrutiny of the secret
police can expect to be arbitrarily arrested and detained without due
The internment of Tony Taylor strikes at the very heart of democracy and
the right to a fair trial. The use of secret evidence and secret police
is not something that anyone would expect in the western world in 2016,
yet is going on in Ireland; this should be enough for any citizen to
publicly question what is going on.
It is now time that the media investigated this case that those
concerned with human rights issues demand an explanation as to why Tony
Taylor has been taken from his home and incarcerated due to secret
evidence that we cannot see. I question the secret evidence, is there
evidence at all? Or is this a well-rehearsed ploy to stifle political
“All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do
Posted by Jim on
A west Belfast man has died in troubling circumstances after being
arrested and questioned for over ten hours by the PSNI last week.
The family of Paddy Green have demanded answers after a stop-and-search
operation became a life-threatening and ultimately fatal encounter.
Mr Green had been driving to his brother’s house when he was stopped by
the PSNI. Despite seeking attention, Mr Green was refused treatment for
what was an urgent condition. Instead, his detention at PSNI Musgrave
Barracks was extended overnight to allow his interrogation to continue.
It was only when his condition deteriorated the following morning that
he was taken to the Royal Victoria Hospital. He passed away on
Wednesday, a week after his arrest.
The Police Ombudsman’s office have said that they are “making
preliminary enquiries”. Mr Green’s family said they have questions about
the care he received in police custody.
“He should have been taken to hospital straight away,” they said. “As a
family we’ve questions that need answered and we can only hope that the
police ombudsman is able to provide us with those answers.
“It’s too late for our family, but it needs properly investigated so no
other family have to go through what we are now.”
Mr Green’s death at the hands of the PSNI is the second to be
investigated by the Police Ombudsman in the last two months. In
September, Gerard ‘Maco’ McMahon died in hospital hours after being
arrested in Belfast city centre, also in suspicious circumstances.
They come amid a fresh wave of PSNI harassment against nationalists,
particularly in west Belfast, where the force has been conducting an
aggressive campaign of stop-and-search operations and arrests.
It also comes amid revelations over the PSNI’s use of military-style
training methods. A report by the Policing Board raised concerns about
what it said was a “pseudo militaristic” boot camp at a police college
in east Belfast, where recruits are grouped into “squads” and required
to march in formation.
Responding to the report, Sinn Fein’s Gerry Kelly said “a police officer
isn’t a member of the army; a police officer is a member of the
Saoradh said its activists would be undeterred by the increasing
oppression from the PSNI. They said they would continue with plans to
hold a commemoration fot IRA Volunteer Patricia Black next Sunday, which
they said was being targeted by the PSNI.
“Saoradh activists will not be intimidated by paid lackeys of British
Imperialism intent on disrupting us as we plan to commemorate our
martyred dead,” they said.
“Instead we remain committed to staying true to the ideals they fought
and died for. Courageous Volunteers like Patricia Black, who took the
war to Britain at the tender age of 18 and lost her life in the
Posted by Jim on November 11, 2016
As we trudge ever more quickly into the depths of the twenty-first century, it is a comfort to know that some places never change. (Willingly, anyway.) On a quiet stretch of East 7th Street, in the shadow of the domed St. George Ukrainian Catholic Church and the starkly modern 41 Cooper Square, stands an institution which seems to have been forgotten by time. Or rather, an institution which has resisted time’s effects for more than a dozen decades. “Good ale, raw onions, and no ladies.” That’s McSorley’s Old Ale House. Other than a brief experiment serving liquor in 1905-6, they’ve served nothing but ale since their founding. And until they were legally forced to do so in 1970, they never allowed women inside the bar. Everything about McSorley’s is a throwback to a bygone era, and a relic of a New York that exists now only in black-and-white photographs.
McSorley’s claims to have been founded in 1854 by John McSorley of County Tyrone in Northern Ireland. He arrived in New York City in 1851, fleeing the potato famine ravaging the country at that time. Three years later, he opened the doors of “The Old House at Home” at 15 East 7th Street. The exact year is debatable, as city records show the location as a vacant lot as late as 1861, but you’d be hard-pressed to win an argument on the issue with any of McSorley’s faithful. Suffice it to say that the bar is old. Very old, actually, by the standards of a city where profit and necessity ensure a turning over of buildings, streets, and entire neighborhoods on a fairly regular basis.
The ale house retained the name “The Old House at Home” until 1908, when its sign was blown down in a storm. It was replaced with a new sign, reading “McSorley’s Old Time Ale House,” and other than dropping the word “Time” at some point, the name has stuck ever since. Two years later, in 1910, John McSorley died in his apartment above the bar at age 83, and his son Bill took over for him, treating the bar as a shrine to his father.
Inside, it is said that not a single piece of memorabilia has been removed from the walls since Bill took over in 1910. A chandelier hanging over the bar is spangled with dozens of fragile wishbones. Starting with World War I, soldiers have hung the bones on the lamp to give them luck before leaving for war. The bones left behind symbolize the patrons who never made it back to reclaim their bones. They have become something of a holy relic in McSorley’s, and it wasn’t until the Health Department put its foot down in 2011 that the owners, reluctantly and begrudgingly, swept a century of dust from the lamp. The wishbones which survived the cleaning process were hung back above the bar as a memorial to those McSorley boys never to return.
1920 saw the bar’s survival threatened, as Prohibition went into effect. McSorley’s limped along by serving “near beer” to its cadre of loyal patrons until the law was struck down in 1933. In 1936, Bill McSorley sold the bar to policeman Daniel O’Connell, who retired from the NYPD to run it. McSorley would die in 1938, followed in 1939 by O’Connell, who left the bar in the charge of his daughter Dorothy O’Connell Kirwan. Honoring a promise to her father, Dorothy never entered the bar except when it was closed on Sundays, and left its management to her husband Harry.
In 1940, an author for the New Yorker named Joseph Mitchell wrote the first of several articles and stories revolving around McSorley’s and its peanut gallery of patrons. These would eventually be compiled into a book in 1943, entitled “McSorley’s Wonderful Saloon.” The book and articles brought increased attention to the little old bar in the East Village, and its reputation as a local institution began to be cemented.
In 1964, while traveling through Ireland, Dorothy and Harry Kirwan’s son Danny had his car break down. A young man by the name of Matty Maher picked him up and helped him get back on his way. In gratitude, Danny promised Matty that if he ever came to New York, he’d give him a job. Matty took him up on his offer, becoming a waiter and bartender and McSorley’s that very year. He would eventually go on to buy the bar from Danny in 1977, and he continues to run it to this day.
The 1960s were a time of great and rapid change in the New York and the world, and McSorley’s, for once, couldn’t avoid being swept up in the tumult. In 1969, Karen DeCrow and Faith Seidenberg of the National Organization for Women sued to be allowed into McSorley’s Old Ale House on the grounds of gender discrimination.
On June 25, 1970, Judge Walter R. Mansfield declared that, as a public establishment, McSorley’s could not legally prevent women from entering. The bar attempted to appeal, going so far as to turn women away at the door even after the law was supposed to have gone into effect. But on August 10th, they could fight it no longer: Mayor Lindsay arrived with an army of reporters as the first women in history walked through the doors and past the potbellied stove of McSorley’s Old Ale House.
Most of the first women to enter the bar were what were then called “militant feminists” who were more interested in the politics of their actions than in the taste of liederkranz and ale. In fact, the first day of a coed McSorley’s also marked the bar’s first coed fight. A young male patron showed a lewd poem he’d written on a napkin to NOW Vice President Lucy Komisar. Offended, she tried to snatch it from his hand. He retaliated by calling her an unprintable name and dumping a mug of beer over her heard. The man was thrown out, and a dripping-wet Ms. Komisar, when asked by the bartender if she was having a good time, replied, “Not particularly, but politics is not always enjoyable.” Perhaps as a sign of resistance to this forced integration of the sexes, McSorley’s didn’t build a designated women’s restroom until 1986.
McSorley’s Old Ale House remains planted on East 7th Street, much as it has for generations. They may now have to allow women inside, but little else has changed: sawdust on the floor, memorabilia on the walls, cold beer on the taps … and cats in permanent residence. The felines were even featured in one of John Sloan’s paintings of the bar in 1928. In 2009, Maher and McSorley’s were on the receiving end of a lawsuit filed by New Jersey resident Cheryl Sibley (a woman!) who claimed to have been mauled by the bar’s current resident cat, Minnie II. Owner Matty Maher insisted that he had no knowledge of the attack and didn’t know how the lady could have been attacked, seeing as how health laws prevent Minnie from being in the drinking areas of the bar during open hours.
“It may have been this beast over here,” he joked in an interview with the New York Post, pointing to a stuffed jackalope on the wall. “There have always been cats at McSorley’s, and there always will be.” Sticking steadfastly to tradition: the old McSorley’s way.
Posted by Jim on
Posted by Jim on November 8, 2016
Posted by Jim on November 5, 2016
James Connolly-Let Us Free Ireland!
Let us free Ireland! Never mind such base, carnal thoughts as concern work and wages, healthy homes, or lives unclouded by poverty.
Let us free Ireland! The rackrenting landlord; is he not also an Irishman, and wherefore should we hate him? Nay, let us not speak harshly of our brother – yea, even when he raises our rent.
Let us free Ireland! The profit-grinding capitalist, who robs us of three-fourths of the fruits of our labour, who sucks the very marrow of our bones when we are young, and then throws us out in the street, like a worn-out tool when we are grown prematurely old in his service, is he not an Irishman, and mayhap a patriot, and wherefore should we think harshly of him?
Let us free Ireland! “The land that bred and bore us.” And the landlord who makes us pay for permission to live upon it. Whoop it up for liberty!
“Let us free Ireland,” says the patriot who won’t touch Socialism. Let us all join together and cr-r-rush the br-r-rutal Saxon. Let us all join together, says he, all classes and creeds. And, says the town worker, after we have crushed the Saxon and freed Ireland, what will we do? Oh, then you can go back to your slums, same as before. Whoop it up for liberty!
And, says the agricultural workers, after we have freed Ireland, what then? Oh, then you can go scraping around for the landlord’s rent or the money-lenders’ interest same as before. Whoop it up for liberty!
After Ireland is free, says the patriot who won’t touch socialism, we will protect all classes, and if you won’t pay your rent you will be evicted same as now. But the evicting party, under command of the sheriff, will wear green uniforms and the Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the roadside will be stamped with the arms of the Irish Republic. Now, isn’t that worth fighting for?
And when you cannot find employment, and, giving up the struggle of life in despair, enter the poorhouse, the band of the nearest regiment of the Irish army will escort you to the poorhouse door to the tune of St. Patrick’s Day. Oh! It will be nice to live in those days!
“With the Green Flag floating o’er us” and an ever-increasing army of unemployed workers walking about under the Green Flag, wishing they had something to eat. Same as now! Whoop it up for liberty!
Now, my friend, I also am Irish, but I’m a bit more logical. The capitalist, I say, is a parasite on industry; as useless in the present stage of our industrial development as any other parasite in the animal or vegetable world is to the life of the animal or vegetable upon which it feeds.
The working class is the victim of this parasite – this human leech, and it is the duty and interest of the working class to use every means in its power to oust this parasite class from the position which enables it to thus prey upon the vitals of labour.
Therefore, I say, let us organise as a class to meet our masters and destroy their mastership; organise to drive them from their hold upon public life through their political power; organise to wrench from their robber clutch the land and workshops on and in which they enslave us; organise to cleanse our social life from the stain of social cannibalism, from the preying of man upon his fellow man.
Organise for a full, free and happy life FOR ALL OR FOR NONE
Posted by Jim on
As the famous English folk verse “The Fifth of November” goes:
Remember, remember the Fifth of November,
The Gunpowder Treason and Plot,
I know of no reason
Why the Gunpowder Treason
Should ever be forgot.
Guy Fawkes, Guy Fawkes, ’twas his intent
To blow up the King and Parli’ment.
Three-score barrels of powder below
To prove old England’s overthrow;
By God’s mercy he was catch’d
With a dark lantern and burning match.
Hulloa boys, Hulloa boys, let the bells ring.
Hulloa boys, hulloa boys, God save the King!
Guy Fawkes (April 13, 1570 – January 31, 1606) died trying to restore a Catholic to the throne of England. The Guy Fawkes gunpowder plot of 1605 has been famous ever since.
Fawkes was born and educated in York. His father died when Fawkes was eight years old, after which his mother married a Catholic.
Fawkes later converted to Catholicism and left for the continent, where he fought in the Eighty Years’ War on the side of Catholic Spain against Protestant Dutch reformers. He traveled to Spain to seek support for a Catholic rebellion in England but was unsuccessful. He later met Thomas Wintour, with whom he returned to England.
Wintour introduced Fawkes to Robert Catesby, who planned to assassinate King James I and restore a Catholic monarch to the throne. The plotters secured the lease to an undercroft beneath the House of Lords, and Fawkes was placed in charge of the gunpowder they stockpiled there.
Prompted by the receipt of an anonymous letter, the authorities searched Westminster Palace during the early hours of November 5, 1605, and found Fawkes guarding the explosives. Over the next few days, he was questioned and tortured, and eventually he broke. Immediately before his execution on January 31 Fawkes jumped from the scaffold where he was to be hanged and broke his neck, thus avoiding the agony of the mutilation that followed.
Fawkes became synonymous with the Gunpowder Plot, the failure of which has been commemorated in England since November 5, 1605. His effigy is often burned on a bonfire, commonly accompanied by a firework display
Posted by Jim on
A statement from Saoradh member, Damhnic Mac Eochaidh, read out at the
demonstration against British/PSNI harassment in Belfast, and also one
by 15-year-old Ailise ni Mhurchu from west Belfast, on the with PSNI
stop and search procedures she has ednured while going to and coming
Can I first of all begin by thanking you all on behalf of Saoradh for
attending here tonight. It is to be commended that we have such a good
turnout here, given the short notice and cold weather.
As Republican activists, no quarter is given and none should be asked
for. We have taken the conscious decision to embark on a life of
struggle, a life committed to achieving Freedom for our country and
betterment of the lives of the working class. We seek to remove the twin
evils of occupation and capitalism as we achieve liberation. We make no
apologies for that, and are aware of the intimidation, harassment,
hardship, imprisonment and possible death that awaits us.
Accordingly, we face an enemy that is willing to use the tools at its
disposal. Fists, batons, tasers, plastic bullets and live ammunition are
but equipment to the Crown Forces. Their real tools are the various
forms of legislation they utilise in futile attempts to break the
Republican Struggle. Legislation that has been imposed on us by a
foreign parliament at Westminster with no right to be in Ireland.
RIPA. The Terrorism Act. The Justice and Security Act. Stop and
Searches. Home Invasions. Arrests. Malicious Charges. Miscarriages of
Justice. Collusion. The murder of Irish citizens, the most recent just a
few weeks ago in our city centre.
These are all separate components of the British War Machine in Ireland,
supported by unknown numbers of MI5 operatives. All of which is
supported by a Sinn Fein/DUP coalition at Stormont, implemented by their
unionist “justice” minister. We continue to resist all these mechanisms
of British Rule.
In the course of their war on our communities, Britain and the Stormont
State has now taken to attacking and threatening the families and
children of activists. Not content with threatening the lives of their
parents, stealing their toys and consoles, confiscating laptops with
important exam coursework and wrecking their homes, the PSNI have now
specifically targeted children for harassment.
The children of activists, many of whom not yet in their teens, now find
themselves being the victims of stop and searches on their way into
school. They are being targeted on their way to GAA, soccer, boxing or
Irish dancing practice. Their hurling coaches are being threatened with
arrest for carrying sticks. Even on holiday, they are targeted by
whichever secretive arm of the Crown Forces MI5 deem appropriate. Is
this part of the process to pressure children into becoming informers
that Gerry Kelly has publicly stated he approves of?
It is no coincidence that this targeted harassment of children has
coincided with the recent launch of Saoradh. It is in the interests of
the State, of reformists and of the establishment clergy that there is
no national, articulate and radical Revolutionary Movement that will
organise to oppose their collective agenda. This, allied with the
efforts of the gutter press, condemnation from reformists and the
hysteria of political unionism are the age-old combination of forces
that has traditionally railed against progressive, socialist, Republican
alternatives. Those who support the armed wing of unionism need to
publicly explain their endorsement of those who abuse our children, and
be honest as to the responsibility they bear with regards to passing
information to the PSNI on activists and their children.
We are here, Saoradh are here, along with other welcome organisations
and individuals, to state that nothing will break us. We will not be
strangled at birth. The advantage of movements such as ours is our
resilience and the strength of comradeship. Our activists, our families
and our children have the collective strength and internal support to
withstand these attacks. We also want to appeal to the public, anyone
who is the victim of harassment, intimidation or approaches and thinks
they are alone. You are not alone, contact Saoradh and we will assist
and support you.
They have nothing in their whole imperial arsenal that can break the
spirit of one Irishman who doesn’t want to be broken.
Ailise ni Mhurchu
I am glad to get the opportunity to speak here tonight about my
experiences of British stop and search powers. The first time I was
stopped and searched was I was 11 years old on and it happened on Lanark
way. I was frightened being surrounded by so many members of the PSNI.
At that time I didn’t realise that this would become the norm for my
family. 5 years later, I’ve now overcome those fears.
I’ve been in my daddy’s car during most of the stop and searches and
have got used to it. I’m still only 15 years old and still at School.
I’m now in my important GCSE years and have recently experienced stop
and searches while being brought to school and some times being late. I
find it difficult trying to explain why I be late. Outside of my family
I feel like a lone voice, especially among those whom I feel have a duty
to protect me as I have done no wrong.
I’ve now began to question why is this happening? and why these PSNI
people are not challenged by any politicians? As a 15 year old, I am now
speaking out and I would hope more and more people who should know
better would speak out against these stop and searches. I see the PSNI
as an oppressive force denying me my freedoms as a human being.
I just want to finish by saying in the words of Martin Luther King, “In
the end we will remember, not the words of our enemies, but the silence
of our friends”.
Posted by Jim on
Amid fresh protests over abuses at Maghaberry Prison, a key mediator in
an agreement struck in 2010 to ease tensions at the jail has admitted
the deal collapsed as a result of unionist political pressure.
One of the deal-brokers said former Justice Minister David Ford failed
to enforce a deal to limit controversial measures such as prisoner
strip-searches, because he was under obligation to the DUP.
“I do believe there is interference in the sense, in our view, the then
Minister of Justice was probably beholden to the likes of the DUP for
his position as Minister for Justice and I think that probably resulted
in him lacking the resolve to tackle this matter head-on,” mediator and
trade unionist Peter Bunting, has said.
He was speaking to a parliamentary committee in Dublin on the
implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It was told available
technology had done away with the need for invasive body searches, one
of the more controversial issues at the jail, but the agreement to end
them was abandoned.
Strip searches remain part of everyday life in the jail. Prisoners are
also isolated for extended periods – with one prisoner being locked up
23 hours a day for five years – and denied education. Mr Bunting said
strip-searching was being used as a “tool to suppress people” in the
Roe House wing of the prison, where republican political risoners are
David Ford, who was replaced as Justice Minister earlier this year, has
denied acting on behalf of the DUP in the role. Mr Bunting and another
mediator met with Mr Ford’s successor Claire Sugden in May, and were
assured a speedy review on the agreement’s implementation, but he said
they have heard nothing back since then.
“There is both a sectarian attitude and there is political interference
towards these people,” he said.
Senator Frank Feighan, who sits on the committee and who visited the
prison, said he was concerned over political interference with the
minister for justice. “If that was happening down here it would be a
serious national scandal,” he said.
The Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association welcomed the
“Despite Republican Prisoners doing everything in their power to ensure
the terms of the agreement were met, when it was quickly reneged upon
by the Maghaberry administration, Ford insisted the blame lay with the
Republican Prisoners,” they said.
“When he was asked to provide evidence of how the Republican Prisoners
had reneged on the agreement, he had the audacity to claim threats
against staff on social media had resulted in him drawing the
conclusion that Republican Prisoners had reneged on the agreement.
The IRPWA also expressed concerned that despite an initial meeting with
the new British Minister for Justice, they have yet to hear a word back
from her after six months.
Posted by Jim on November 4, 2016
The Bronx Supreme Court judge who will decide the outcome of the ongoing lawsuit over the New York City St. Patrick’s Day parade said he will not consider a pleading letter sent last week by the attorney representing the plaintiff, former Parade and Celebration Committee chairman John Dunleavy, sources told the Irish Voice.
Judge Robert Johnson received two recent letters from Dunleavy’s attorney Francis X. Young and John Tully, who was nominated to succeed Dunleavy as committee chairman late last year. Johnson was assigned the case after the retirement of Judge Alexander Hunter, who in May heard oral arguments from Young and Mitch Mandell, the attorney representing the defendants, St. Patrick’s Day Parade board chairman Dr. John Lahey and director Frank Comerford.
On October 26, Young sent a letter to Johnson, a former Bronx district attorney, requesting that the sides be allowed to put forth oral arguments again. Young wrote that the sides failed to come to agreement on an “order to show cause” on how to proceed during a meeting in the judge’s chambers on September 6.
“Almost two months since we appeared before your honor, we still do not have a resolution of the fourth order to show cause. Defendant Lahey continues to ignore the bylaws and does exactly as he pleases,” Young wrote.
“I ask that we be permitted an opportunity to come back and put forth our arguments on the record so that your honor can render a decision.”
Johnson also received a prior letter from Tully, who said the Parade and Celebration Committee that he heads stands “ready to assist the court in any way in its decision-making process. We have not sought to intervene directly in the matter to avoid complicating the issues before you.”
Tully’s letter said the committee was formed in adherence with the bylaws of the St. Patrick’s Day Parade Corporation which oversees the parade and which Lahey heads.
“No one disputes that the purpose of the corporation is to run the New York City St. Patrick’s Day parade. Nor does anyone claim that the Parade Committee is independent from or supersedes the corporation,” Tully wrote.
“It is indisputable that the corporation is responsible for and has ultimate authority over the parade. It is also indisputable that since its inception, the corporation ran the parade through the Parade Committee and that the Parade Committee reports to the corporation.”
Tully’s letter added that his committee was “not permitted to perform our legal roles for the 2016 parade. We deferred any argument so as not to distract from the 2016 parade, pending resolution of this lawsuit.
“Our Parade Committee has an obligation to make every effort to perform our duties consistent with the wishes of the affiliated organizations who were empowered by the bylaws to elect the Parade Committee. The corporation has not allowed us to perform our duties. The sooner this issue is decided by the court, the better for us all.”
Meanwhile, the grand marshal for the 2017 parade, Northwell Health President and CEO Michael Dowling, will be formally introduced during a reception at the Irish Consulate in New York on Thursday, November 17.
Posted by Jim on November 3, 2016
Posted by Jim on
Gareth McKeown. Irish News ( Belfast).Wednesday, November 2, 2016
INVEST NI has said it briefed First Minister Arlene Foster on the Republic’s “poaching” of investment while on an American trade mission without Martin McGuinness.
It has been normal practice for the two joint heads of the Northern Ireland Executive to visit the US together, but in September Mrs Foster embarked on a four-day trade mission without the deputy First Minister.
At the time the Executive Office said there was nothing unusual about the pair travelling individually overseas, but it has now emerged important information about investment opportunities in the north may have been shared without the deputy first minister present.
The confirmation from Invest NI comes after the First Minister accused the Republic’s government of talking down the north’s economy and attempting to “poach our investors” at the DUP party conference on Saturday.
While the DUP did not respond to a request for information on any briefing between the First Minister and Invest NI, the latter confirmed discussions had taken place about a “specific approach” made by the Republic’s Industrial Development Authority (IDA).
“The First Minister became aware of the specific approach adopted by the IDA during a recent visit to the US, with Invest NI, where she met with potential investors,” Invest NI said.
The response from Invest NI has also shed light on the direct competition between the body and the IDA for investment, indirectly referenced during the First Minister’s address.
“Invest Northern Ireland competes for inward investment with over 100 other development agencies, including IDA. It is clear from the already published Irish Government Contingency Framework that it planned to ‘intensify [marketing] in key sectors…and identify the potential for new FDI arising from the UK leaving the EU’,” they said.
Following Minister Foster’s comments on Saturday the deputy first minister said he was “surprised” by the remarks made in relation to IDA representatives poaching Northern Ireland business.
Speaking on RTÉ’s This Week, Mr McGuinness said: “I was very surprised to hear Arlene say that at her party conference, given that earlier this week she and I met with a Chinese invest and we were accompanied by the Chief Executive of Invest NI, and this wasn’t mentioned.”
When contacted on Tuesday the IDA said it was “not in a position to make any further statements regarding this issue at this time”.
The Department of Foreign Affairs also chose not comment on the latest development.
“It is normal for ministers to be briefed by Invest NI on overseas visits where there is the potential to attract investment,” Sinn Fein said in a statement on Tuesday night.
“Martin McGuinness will travel to the United States next week and will receive specific briefings from Invest NI during the course of the visit.
“If individual ministers are travelling abroad it is obviously not possible to conduct joint briefings .
“However, any politically sensitive or significant briefing given to the First Minister would normally be shared with the deputy First Minister.”
“If such a briefing was provided, we will be asking why this was not shared.”
Posted by Jim on
Brian Feeney. Irish News (Belfast). Wednesday, November 2, 2016
The low point was the party leader’s speech lashing out in all directions except one – Sinn Féin – to hide the fact that she had nothing to say.
You might have noticed that the only person interviewed on BBC NI on Monday was Peter Weir about his attempt to sneak the 11 plus back into education by the back door.
Out of the window goes the Northern Ireland curriculum for 10 and 11-year-olds.
As for the main event at the conference, Arlene Foster’s speech, it was the knockabout stuff that used to be ‘the pravince’[province] of the conference clown Sammy Wilson. Instead Arlene took it upon herself to insult opposition politicians in her most vulgarian terms.
You didn’t hear any criticism of their policies or grounds for opposing her. Rather she tried to ridicule them in a pretty strained, far-fetched comparison with an ancient TV sitcom [Steptoe and Son] obviously chosen to be instantly recognisable to her mostly ancient adoring audience.
While she obviously has nothing but contempt for Colum Eastwood [SDLP leader] as a lightweight, Arlene Foster evidently really doesn’t like Mike Nesbitt [ Ulster Unionist Party ( UUP) leader]. Any reference to him—even in the caricature she chose for him—was made with a dismissive snarl in the corncrake- contralto she reserves for people she believes ought to be swatted away.
If anything could be taken from that portion of her speech—apart from its unbecoming comportment for someone who is first minister— then it is her clear intent to destroy the UUP.
Two recent converts to the DUP from the ranks of UUP councillors confirmed that intent.
That was the only policy announcement, oblique though it was.
Strange that a Party’s leader’s speech was devoid of a single policy on a matter of substance.
Repeating that she wants to make The North a better place is hardly cutting edge.
The whole performance was, leaving the obligatory DUP nastiness aside for a moment, superficial.
There was no insight or imagination.
As others have noticed, no vision. Repetition of clichés like no ‘hard border’, complete nonsense like the ‘biggest economic opportunity for decades’, and of course, parroting ‘Brexit means Brexit’ which even Theresa May now tries to avoid saying because of the jeers the meaningless phrase provokes.
It’s not been a good week for Foster. She kicked off the preliminaries to her conference with an acute case of foot in mouth disease when she announced that being trolled on social media made her harden her opposition to equal marriage and that she intended to misuse “Petitions of Concern” to block change.
That’s despite the Fresh Start Agreement containing promises to reform the petition procedure.
Then she had to row back frantically to deny that DUP policy was decided by online abuse.
Then she told the BBC she knew ‘plenty of people in that community’, namely the gay community, who opposed equal marriage. Do you believe that? The only statement omitted from this back-tracking was to claim, ‘Some of my best friends are gay.’
She didn’t think for a minute that her whole distasteful speech— and her earlier promise to block any change towards equal marriage— or her refusal to discuss any change in abortion law, or say if she’d give her party a free vote, make it easy for any Irish official, as she claimed, ‘to talk down Northern Ireland’.
Who would want to open shop in a place where someone like Arlene Foster is First Minister, whose first set piece speech after Brexit is abusive and uninspiring? Apart from her antediluvian views on morality and human relations, there is her denial of the reality that The North is going to be dramatically worse off because of her craven loyalty to a Conservative government, which has no idea what course they’re going to follow aside from sweetheart deals with sectors of industry and finance to compensate for the 20 per cent tariff the EU will slap on them after the UK leaves the single market.
Ironically the only people here likely to benefit from the financial speculators who have already discounted the pound by the 20 per cent margin are traders in border towns where a substantial majority of the people vote Sinn Féin [ It is now much cheaper for people in the Irish Republic to cross the Border and buy stuff in Northern Ireland].
Posted by Jim on November 1, 2016
Tom Hayden: Man of Principles
A champion of the Mac Bride Principles
CAPITOL HILL. Wednesday, November 2, 2016—— Tom Hayden (76) who died on October 23 will not only be remembered as the 1960s and 1970s peace activist, but also as an ardent Irishman.
This according to Fr. Sean Mc Manus, President of the Capitol Hill-based Irish National Caucus.
Fr. Mc Manus said: “I had the honor of getting to know Tom quite well through our campaign for the Mac Bride Principles— a corporate code of conduct for American companies doing business in Northern Ireland. Tom was a most impressive man. As a Californian Assemblyman (1982-92), and as a State Senator (1992-2002) he – along with Senator John Burton— played a key role in having our Mac Bride Principles Bill passed into Californian State law. I testified along with Tom, and other Mac Bride activists before the California legislature in Sacramento in 1987.
Eventually, in March 1999 we got the Mac Bride Principles passed into California state law.”
Fr. Mc Manus explained: “For all his perceived radicalness, Tom was also a very practical political leader. The Irish National Caucus launched the Mac Bride Principles on November 5,
1984. Some in Ireland — who regarded themselves very radical — at first rejected the Mac Bride Principles because the Principles were not “radical” enough. But Tom Hayden — Mr. Radical Himself— had no such misconception. He immediately saw the intrinsic power of our Mac Bride Principles—for all their moderation and reasonableness— and he embraced them steadfastly.”
Fr. Mc Manus continued: “The Mac Bride Principles have been passed into law by 18 States and dozens of town and cities. The Principles were passed twice by the Republican-controlled U.S. Congress and signed into law in 1998 by Democratic President Bill Clinton. The Mac Bride Principles are universally seen as having played a key role in the promotion of fair employment in Northern Ireland.”
HOLY LAND PRINCIPLES
Fr. Mc Manus concluded: “Of course, as is now well known, the success of the Mac Bride Principles led to our launching—on International Human Rights Day, December 10, 2012— the Holy Land Principles— a corporate code of conduct for the 544 American companies doing business in Israel/Palestine.
The Holy Land Principles are pro-Jewish, Pro-Palestinian and Pro-Company. They do not call for quotas, reverse discrimination, divestment, disinvestment, or boycotts.
The Principles do not try to tell the Israelis or the Palestinians what to do. The Principles only ask American companies doing business in the Holy Land to sign the Holy Land Principles.
Since 1972, Shareholder advocacy has become very popular in the United States, and since then very many Shareholder Resolutions/Proposals have been filed with many American companies on all imaginable sorts of social issues. Except one! Until we began filing Holy Land Principles resolutions, no American company had ever been confronted about its fair employment in the Holy Land. It was the elephant in the (board) room. Now that has changed. The Holy Land Principles are an idea whose time has come: the big existential question for American companies that can no longer be ignored.”
Posted by Jim on
The Effects of Great Britain’s Exit from the European Union on the Irish Border
Monday, November 14, 2016, 6:00 PM
The lecture will take place in the Reception Room of Kellenberg Hall,
A light dinner will be served.
This event is hosted by Brehon Law Society of Nassau County,
For further information contact Brian O’Keefe, President,
Please join us for a tour of the
Tour and Lunch
Saturday, November 12
11 am Tour of Armory
1pm return to Molloy
$30 per person
Anyone wishing to attend but prefers to meet us in NYC at the Armory, you are welcome to do so.
$15 without bus
Visit our website: http://connect.molloy.edu/irishstudiesinstitute
Catherine Tully Muscente
Posted by Jim on October 28, 2016
“I just don’t get it. It’s been over a year,” she said. “It’s incompetence. That’s what it is when I think about it.”
The case is just one example of the stumbles that have thrown Build it Back off track, leading Mayor de Blasio to admit last week he would not fulfill his promise to finish the program by the end of this year.
Only 44% of homes in Build It Back are finished. The city says that by the end of the year, 90% of program participants will either have construction underway or have received a check to pay them back for work they funded themselves.
Officials have not set a new deadline to get the entire program, which now includes about 8,500 homes, completed. Meanwhile, the program has gone $500 million over budget, which city taxpayers are on the hook to make up.
Sullivan and her family paid out of pocket to fix most of the damage themselves after Sandy flooded the home in 2012. But they turned to Build It Back for help to elevate the house for storm protection to avoid skyrocketing flood insurance premiums, in addition to fixing a bathroom.
The elevation was done quickly, and the couple and their teenage daughter, who have been renting an apartment in Marine Park, Brooklyn, expected to return home in April.
Then red tape got in the way: Officials decided that because of the elevation, the house now counted as three stories, so regulations required a sprinkler system to be installed, Sullivan said.
“We fought them and fought them and fought them on the sprinkler system. They finally said if you stop fighting, you’ll get in faster,” she said. “We finally just threw up our hands.”
Work dragged on for months, for reasons the family says were never fully explained.
“There’s really been no explanation for our delays,” said Jim Sullivan, 40.
The sprinkler requirement has been one of a slew of regulatory mandates that threw up hurdles to completing the program. Also slowing things down: the need to get permits for demolition, make elevated homes wheelchair accessible, clear up preexisting problems like lead paint and asbestos, and resolve discrepancies with certificates of occupancy
On Thursday, the City Council passed legislation to allow homes to be demolished without the usual permit, and to let repair and elevation work to begin without first resolving unrelated building code violations, in another effort to speed up the process.
Besides regulations, the program has faced a bottleneck because officials tried to move so many homes forward at the same time, but there were only a limited number of architects and contractors who could do the work. Meanwhile, construction costs surged across the industry.
At the Gerritsen Beach home on Melba Court, the Sullivans were finally seeing light at the end of the tunnel when a construction crew putting finishing touches on the home set off the sprinklers, sending water cascading through the floor of an upstairs bedroom into the ground level.
City officials say they quickly got to work repairing the damage, including removing the downstairs ceilings and insulation, and the family should be able to move in by the end of next week.
“We’re working expeditiously to fix that and put them back in their house,” said Build It Back spokesman Matt Viggiano.
The family is skeptical, saying they’ve been given false deadlines before.
“At the rate they’ve been doing work, it could be months,” Jim Sullivan said.
He now regrets even going to the program for help.
“In retrospect, I kind of wish I had just taken out a loan on the house or something and hired my own guy,” he said. “With all the aggravation, the stress, the actual impact on my family’s lives — in my opinion it was a mistake.”
Posted by Jim on October 27, 2016
by Padraig Og O Ruairc
Occasionally when reading about the Irish revolution 1913-1923 you come across fleeting references to Republican organisations who don’t usually register on the historical radar. These groups include the Clan Na Gael Girl Scouts, Clann Maeve, St. Patrick’s Ambulance Association, the Irish National Guard and the Hibernian Rifles.
Usually these groups are born of splits with more prominent organisations, have a limited membership and last only a few years. If these groups had distinct political aims and philosophies by studying them we may be able to gain a better idea of the character of republicanism during the Irish revolution. The history of the Irish Citizen Army has underlined the socialist and more radical republican element of the 1916 rising without which some historians might have tried to portray the rising as purely nationalist; an Irish struggle against England which would be a gross oversimplification.
The Hibernian Rifles have never received more than a few lines in any book dealing with the 1916 Rising and I hope that this brief study will give us some fresh perspectives
The more recent focus by historians on Cumann Na mBann and women in the Irish Citizen Army has highlighted the role of women and Irish suffragettes in the republican struggle. The Hibernian Rifles have never received more than a few lines in any book dealing with the 1916 Rising and I hope that this brief study will give us some fresh perspectives.
The Ancient Order of Hibernians (A.O.H.) is a Roman Catholic political association founded by Irish immigrants in New York in 1836. It claims to be descended from earlier secret societies in Ireland namely ‘The Defenders’ and ‘The Ribbonmen’ and to have existed as early as 1641 but there is little or no evidence to support this claim. The chief aims of the association are to work for the independence of Ireland and to promote and preserve the Catholic faith. The A.O.H. is a sectarian, conservative, Catholic and nationalist body.
Hibernianism is effectively a green version of ‘Orangeism’ and its political character apart from its support for Irish independence has little in common with Irish republicanism, which is a far more radical and non-sectarian philosophy. Terence Mac Sweeney denounced Hibernianism and its sectarian character in his book Principles of Freedom: ‘English politicians to serve the end of dividing Ireland have worked on religious feelings in the north with the aim of destroying Irish unity…Hibernianism created an unnatural atmosphere of sectarian rivalry in Ireland’
The Hibernian Rifles emerged originally as a split from the Ancient Order of Hibernians
The A.O.H enjoyed a good deal of support as a political force in Ireland and Irish communities in America during the nineteenth century. But divisions of a political nature emerged in the A.O.H., in the early 1900’s and the body split into the ‘Board of Éireann’ (B.O.E.) and the ‘Irish American Alliance’ (I.A.A.) in 1907. Officially the split was the result of a dispute on whether to register as a ‘Friendly Society’ but this was for PR purposes and masked the political nature of the split. The I.A.A was most successful in America where it had strong links with Clann Na Gael which would suggest that it was under the control, or at least under the influence of, the Irish Republican Brotherhood.
The B.O.E. was fully in support of John Redmond and the Irish Parliamentary Party. The political connections of these respective factions indicates that the split in the A.O.H. was clearly between physical force republicans and constitutional nationalists. The I.A.A was generally regarded as being less sectarian than the B.O.E. J.J. Walsh a member of the Irish Volunteers in Cork who later joined the Hibernian rifles in Dublin commented on the two Hibernian groups saying, ‘They were in opposition on many matters, but the later body (I.A.A.) was the more national.’
The Hibernian Rifles were started as a military auxiliary to the I.A.A between 1912 and 1913 when John Joseph Scollan moved from Derry to Dublin after being appointed national director of the I.A.A. At this time the I.A.A. had three ‘divisions’ (title for local branches of Hibernians, despite the name they were civilian not military in nature) in Dublin, “The Red Hand” division in Brunswick St., “Clann Na Gael” division in Parliament St. and “O’Connell” division in Rathfarnham.
A number of divisions also existed in provincial towns. Scollan noticed that the constitution of the Hibernians in the United States made provision for a military Hibernian organisation. “I decided to organise a company in each division to be known as the Hibernian Rifles which correspond to the American organisation. I started a unit in each division and succeeded in getting about twenty men to join in each. These were all highly selected men. At this time the total number of members of the divisions were 80, 100 and 150, approximately so that a unit of 20 men was a good beginning. “The first recruiting advert for the force appeared in the militant labour newspaper “The Worker” on the 22nd of November 1913.
It stated that membership was open to “all Catholic Irishmen of good character” This was in line with membership criteria for the I.A.A at the time. However this requirement was dropped in all subsequent recruiting adverts in “The Worker” and “The Hibernian” newspapers. J.J. Scollan claims that the Hibernian Rifles were a non-sectarian body that its constitution “did not bar anyone from joining. It was a semi-public organisation open to all religions of all natures”.
The national board of the I.A.A. were supposed to be in command of the Hibernian Rifles but Scollan was in effect the commander in chief, directing and controlling the force. Statements from former members of the Hibernian Rifles and reports in “The Hibernian” newspaper give the rank system as riflemen, captain, vice commandant and commandant. Each company selected its own officers and non-commissioned officers based on the American organisations system. J.J. Scollan held the rank of Commandant and was the driving force and Commander in Chief of the organisation.
The Hibernian Rifles did not have an official uniform and as a result lost a few members to the Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army which were more attractive to prospective recruits
John J. Walsh had been a prominent member of the Irish Volunteers and the G.A.A. in Cork, because of his Volunteer activities he was transferred to Bradford and eventually dismissed from his civil service job. In May of 1915 he had been barred from residing in Cork he then moved to Dublin and joined the Hibernian Rifles and was promoted from rifleman to Vice Commandant in the movement because of his experience in the Irish Volunteers.
Other prominent leaders in the organisation were Captains Breslin and Garret. Sean Millroy was another very active member of the Hibernian Rifles and may have held a commission though his specific rank is not known. Sympathetic ex-British soldiers provided instruction in foot drill and other military training. The Hibernian Rifles did not have an official uniform and as a result lost a few members to the Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army which were more attractive because they had uniforms. (The author has additional information on the Hibernian Rifles and military uniform not included here.)
Recruitment was largely from the I.A.A. divisions but the first adverts began to appear in the militant labour newspaper “The Irish Worker” from the 22nd of November 1913 onwards. Adverts were also placed in the I.A.A. newspaper “The Hibernian” which was published from June 1915 until March/April 1916 and was edited by Scollan. It had a steady national circulation of about 2,500 copes between November 1913 and April 1916. “The Hibernian” serialised the “Roll of Honour” listing those who had been killed, wounded, imprisoned , deported or served with exclusion orders for republican activity.
The paper also carried adverts and notices for the Irish Volunteers. The R.I.C. and D.M.P. maintained a close watch on the rebel group and kept police intelligence files on Scollan., Millroy, Keeting and other members of the force. They were concerned with the circulation of Scollans “sedatious” newspaper and in 1919 The D.M.P. applied to the attorney general to have “The Hibernian” suppressed because it was not registered in accordance with Newspapers Libel and Registration act of 1881.
The Hibernian Rifles was a predominantly working class group, who raised money for the strikers of 1913. Some of them went on to join Connolly’s Citizen Army
With the rise of Edward Carson’s unionist “Ulster Volunteer Force” Scollan dectected “a feeling abroad that something of a counteraction should take place and this resulted in recruiting for our units becoming much easier.” By late 1913 the Hibernian Rifles had established units in Armagh, Belfast, Castlebar, Cork, Dingle and Dundalk. None of these local branched of the Hibernian Rifles ever had a membership greater than thirty or thirty five.
During the 1913 lockout the fledgling Hibernian Rifles sided with the workers on strike because the majority of their membership were workers connected to the I.T.G.W.U. Their rivals in Hibernianism the B.O.E. and the Roman Catholic bishops both actively condemned the strike and supported the employers. J.J Scollan as head of the Hibernian Rifles applied to the branches of the A.O.H. (I.A.A.) in the United States for funds to support the strikers and received over one thousand dollars in support. This money was used to augment the strikers pay and members of the Hibernian Rifles received a strike pay of twelve to fifteen shillings per week.
A number of rifleman who were involved in the strike later left the Hibernian Rifles to join the Irish Citizens’ Army which had been formed during the strike as the army of militant labour. When the Irish Volunteers were established in 1913 the Hibernian Rifles were hostile to the new group because some members of the Volunteer executive had taken a prominent anti-union stance during the lockout. The bitterness still surrounding the lockout and Redmondite / B.O.E involvement in the Irish Volunteers ensured that Scollan and the Hibernian Rifles maintained much stronger ties with James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army until the Irish Volunteers split in 1914.
Initially the Hibernian rifles had no arms, but were anxious to get hold of some. After the creation of the Irish Citizen Army and Ulster Volunteer Force Scollan wrote to the Hibernian organisation in America seeking arms “They did not supply any and all we received was a supply of text books (American Military) which were not of much use to us. We improvised broom handles to act as rifles and with these we practiced aiming at targets. In 1914 the Hibernian Rifles soon found a rather unusual source of weaponry – British Army. “There was a division of Enniskillen Fusiliers based in Dollymount outside the city and from them we were able to purchase about one hundred rifles to get some money.” (The same regiment were to be shown the business end of these rifles in the 1916 rising!)
The main source for weaponry was to buy or steal rifles from British soldiers
In addition, the Hibernian Rifles in Dublin, held about twelve shotguns and thirty Italian rifles. The Skippers Alley unit of the Hibernian Rifles had taken a number of Italian rifles from Redmond’s Irish National Volunteers but these were of an old design and without ammunition so they were only used for arms drill. The Hibernian Rifles purchased whatever firearms they could as well as manufacturing their own modified shotgun cartridges using three lead tags from post bags as shot, and converting blank ammunition purchased from British soldiers into live rounds to suit the Lee Enfield rifles.
While most Irish Volunteer units were still training with Hurleys (or “Tipperary Rifles” as they were dubbed) the Skippers Alley Unit of the Hibernian Rifles were quite fortunate to drill and train with real Italian rifles even if the ammunition was not available! The Hibernian Rifles also manufactured some canister grenades but otherwise hand no explosives. British surveillance of the Hibernian Rifles estimated that they had about 140 men and 25 rifles.
By 1914 the I.A.A. had acquired a hall at number 28 North Fredrick Street which became the headquarters and main drill hall of the Hibernian Rifles. The hall was also used by the Keating branch of the Gaelic League and the north inner city sluagh of Fianna Éireann used by Sean Heuston. The Clann Na Gael Girl Scouts founded in 1911 by sisters May and Elizabeth Kelly also used the hall for training and May Kelly the O/C of this group was attached to the Hibernian Rifles unit during Easter Week. The hall was increasingly used as overnight accommodation by Irishmen returning to Britain to escape military conscription and by Irish Volunteer’s visiting Dublin before 1916 rising.
The Irish Volunteer split in 1914 after John Redmond’s Woodenbridge speech ensured that the Irish Volunteers were now largely free from the influence of the anti-trade union body and the B.O.E. Hibernians who remained loyal to the Home Rule party and followed them into the Irish National Volunteers. The split did not affect the Hibernian Rifles and Citizen Army who developed a new attitude toward the I.R.B. dominated more radical Irish Volunteers as all three groups were united in their opposition to British recruitment and conscription in Ireland.
Members of the Hibernian Rifles were actively involved in anti-recruiting activity, attending parades and public meetings organised by Connolly, the I.R.B, and the Irish Volunteers. Sean Millroy was arrested in June 1915, along with Francis Sheehy Skeffington and Séan Mac Diarmaida, for making an anti-recruitment speeches and was sentenced to three months imprisonment with hard labour.
J.J. Scolan as Commandant of Hibernian Rifles was involved in financing much more direct anti-war activities. Connolly informed Scollan that the British military were building “Q” ships in the shipyards of Belfast, and that he needed to get this information to the German ambassador in the United States. “Q” ships were small civilian ships usually less than 400 tons, which were made to look run down, painted in the colours of neutral countries, and given false names.
These ships were then equipped with concealed naval weaponry including four inch guns, twelve pounder artillery guns and later depth charges. “Q” ships would fly the flag of a neutral country when a U boat approached and open fire. Connolly proposed sending his daughter Nora to deliver the information in person but did not have the funds to pay her passage. Scollan agreed to pay the fare with I.A.A. funds but said he would need to show something in exchange for the money. Scollan paid the thirty pounds fare for Nora in exchange for thirty Italian service rifles. Connolly held a number of these rifles for training the Irish Citizen Army, but they were of little practical use for fighting because no ammunition was available for them. Nora Connolly delivered the message and as a result the “Q” ships were not as great a success in combating submarine warfare as the British had hoped.
Scollan had some connections with the early Sinn Féin party, and gave a lecture to the Michael Dwyer Cumann on December 16th 1914 entitled “Treason in Ireland”. The content of the lecture seems to have been quite radical “Many more of us through God’s grace shall live to see the Union Jack of England down in the dust and our own immortal green interwoven with orange and white of the Irish republic waving proudly and victoriously over the land”.
With the exception of Thomas Mac Donough the I.R.B. element that controlled the Irish Volunteers did not trust the Hibernian Rifles. Mac Donough had made advances to Scollan suggesting that the Hibernian Rifles should be amalgamated with the Irish Volunteers. Mac Donough had also urged the Hibernian Rifles to participate in the O’Donovan Rossa funeral. Divisions of the Hibernian Rifles from around the country assembled in Dublin August 1915 for the funeral and paraded one hundred and fifty strong carrying fifty rifles. They led the I.A.A. divisions and the ladies auxiliary divisions who dipped the American flag at the funeral. The Hibernian section of the funeral was placed under the command of the O Rahially, an executive member of the Irish Volunteers.
The I.R.B. element that controlled the Irish Volunteers did not trust the Hibernian Rifles and did not tell them of the planned Rising, but they learned of it from James Connolly.
In autumn 1915 Scollan and J.J. Walsh held talks with Eoin McNeill, The O’Rahilly and Desmond Fitzgerald at McNeill’s house in Herbert park to try and arrange a working relationship between the Hibernian Rifles and Irish Volunteers. While cooperation with Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army increased as 1916 approached, the Hibernian Rifles remained a separate and independent group.
Scollan learned of plans for a rising from Connolly “Connolly and I were in close association and through him I understood that it was intended to have an insurrection, but I had no idea of when it would take place. “It is not clear whether Connolly was alluding to his own plans for a rising of the Irish Citizen Army which he had threatening since the outbreak of the great war, or whether he imparted the information to Scollan after he had been co-opted into the I.R.B. military council and told of their plans for a rising.
On Palm Sunday, with days before the rising, there was a mobilisation of volunteers at Fr. Mathew Park in Fairview after an alarm went out the British military were about to forcefully disarm the Irish Volunteers. Previous British raids had suppressed republican papers and printing presses such as “The Gael” and had attempted to shut down Connolly’s newspaper the Workers Republic. After hearing of the alert twenty members of the Hibernian rifles assembled to aid the Volunteers, at 28 North Frederick Street and proceed in twos and threes to Phibsborough where a number of Irish Volunteer companies were assembled. The raid proved to be a false alarm and the mobilisation was dismissed.
On Easter Sunday the Hibernian Rifles held their usual Sunday parade in North Frederick Street and carried out their routine training. They had received no mobilisation orders from either Connolly or the I.R.B. military council. If Scollan had not received any definite orders from either Connolly or Mac Donough it is unlikely that any of the provincial units of the Hibernian Rifles had received mobilisation orders either.
On Easter Sunday 1916, the Hibernian Rifles held their usual Sunday parade in North Frederick Street and carried out their routine training but when they saw that insurrection had broken out the following day, they volunteered their services.
After reading McNeills countermanding order for the Irish Volunteers Scollan suspected that something serious was afoot and ordered the Dublin units of the Hibernian rifles to parade again at midday the following day. That evening Patrick Pearse, his brother William and Thomas Mac Donough met in Number 28 North Frederick Street and sent courier’s with new mobilisation orders to Volunteer companies, however the Hibernian Rifles had still not been informed of the planned rising.
At midday on Easter Monday Scollan and about sixty members of the Hibernian Rifles paraded at the hall in North Frederick street. When the information came to Scollan that the volunteers had seized the G.P.O. his men got very anxious about what to do. “I addressed them and told them that as far as I knew this fight which was just starting was unofficial, but as it had started we should join in and take our place in it. At the same time I said that if any man did not wish to volunteer for the fight he was at liberty to go home”.
Between twenty and thirty riflemen voted to join the fight, all were armed. Scollan sent a written message to Connolly in the G.P.O. that he was ready with the assistance and was awaiting orders. Connolly sent a reply saying he was glad of the assistance and that the Hibernian Rifles should remain in position and await further orders. Scollans men began commandeering food and supplies from local shops.
Scollan went to J.J. Walsh’s tobacco and newsagents shop in Blessington Street to seek the assistance of his Vice Commandant. He found Walsh proceeded to Walsh’s sisters house off Clonliffe Road where Walsh kept his rifle and Irish Volunteer uniform. The pair then returned to North Frederick Street. At 4.pm Scollan sent a second message to Connolly stating that he was still awaiting orders that his men were getting restless for something to do. Scollan suggested that the Hibernian Rifles could occupy Leavy’s Pub on the junction of Upper Dorset Street and Blessington Street. Connolly again stated they should remain in position and await orders.
At midday Connolly sent orders to the Hibernian Rifles to proceed to the G.P.O. The Hibernian Rifles were put under the temporary command of The O’Rahilly who ordered the group to break and barricade all the windows on the upper floors. Walsh was stationed at the telegraph desk on the second floor. He had a good knowledge of Morse Code and was able to pose as a government superintendent and sent out queries about the rising in an effort to obtain information. He was only able to receive a few sketchy pieces of information which he reported to Plunket and Pearse.
Connolly detailed Scollan to check reports of British troops in the area while other members of the Hibernian Rifles began constructing barricades in the streets. On Easter Monday evening in the G.P.O. Pearse commissioned Jack Stanley proprietor of the Gaelic press to issue and official bulletin. Stanley seized O’Keefe’s Printworks Halston Street and printed “Irish War News” a four page news sheet, printed Tuesday morning which had “STOP PRESS!” on the back page announcing the establishment of the Irish Republic. Although the famous 1916 Proclamation of the Irish Republic does not name the Hibernian Rifles as participants in the rising Irish War News lists them as part of the “Dublin Division of the Army of the Republic”.
Between 6 a.m. and 7 a.m. on Tuesday morning a contingent of Nine Volunteers from Maynooth who had slept the night in Glasnevin cemetery, arrived at the G.P.O.. Scollan and eighteen riflemen accompanied them downstairs to the armourer’s department where they were issued with home-made tin can grenades by Jim O’Neill a member of the Irish Citizen Army. Connolly addressed the mixed party and instructed them to go towards the Haypenny Bridge where the toll collector, indifferent to the revolution erupting around him, was still on duty and demanded the halfpenny toll for each man. Needless to say he did not get it.
The group made their way unhindered along the west end of Fleet Street and up through Crane’s Lane. Upon entering Shorthall’s beside the Exchange Hotel the group captured two men using the telephone to send information to the Curragh Military camp concerning republican troop movements and positions. Sean Millroy picked up the telephone and listened as the operator in the Curragh continued to relay valuable information on British troop movements blissfully unaware of the change of events at the other end of the phone line. Millroy was then dispatched back to the G.P.O. to report the information. The Riflemen and
Volunteers now occupied the roof of the Exchange Hotel and began barricading houses immediately adjacent to it. The area around City Hall appeared to be under British military control and the Hibernian Rifles and Volunteers engaged superior numbers of British forces in rooftop sniping. That afternoon groups of the Irish Fusiliers and Enniskilling Fusiliers advanced and prepared to storm the Exchange Hotel. The attack was repelled with rifle and shotgun fire. From the roof Scollan estimated they had inflicted over twenty serious casualties on the British military forces. During the attack Edward Walsh a member of the Hibernian Rifles sniping from the roofs was shot through the stomach.
About 4.30 p.m Scollan’s group was coming under increasing pressure received orders to retire to the G.P.O. and were helped by a number of sympathetic citizens to make their journey. They took the wounded Edward Walsh with them and he died that evening in the G.P.O. leaving a widow and two children. At this point number of the Hibernian Rifles were separated from the main body during the retreat and wandered into British military forces around Dame Street where they were taken prisoner. On Thursday morning Connolly instructed Scollan to make his way to Broadstone station to report on conditions there.
Scollan was challenged by a British sentry at the station and questioned by a British officer inside. Scollan claimed he was a stranger in Dublin, and was at the station to try and find his way about. He was taken prisoner and transferred to Ship Street Barracks the following day. He was kept in custody and fed on British military rations of bully beef and hard biscuit until the rising had ended. The remaining members of the Hibernian Rifles surrendered with the G.P.O. garrison at Parnell Street on the 29th of April on Friday May 6th Scollan was transferred to Richmond barracks before being transported to England by cattle boat and interned in Wandsworth prison.
In July 1916 Scollan was transferred to Frongoch Internment camp in Wales where at least seven other Riflemen who had fought in the rising were interned. Scollan was appointed camp treasurer until he was transferred to Reading jail on October 30. Michael Collins was then elected to fill his position. Scollan and Hibernian Riflemen interned in Frongoch were released under the general amnesty at Christmas 1916. J.J. Walsh was less fortunate, being singled out for courtmartial and sentenced to ten years penal servitude because of his previous role in the Irish Volunteers. Walsh was released with the remaining republican prisoners on June 15th 1917.
The more conservative and sectarian Board or Erin Hibernianism largely disappeared in Ireland with the failure of the Home Rule Party in 1918. They could not adapt their religious or political beliefs to the non-sectarian Republican ideals of the 1916 Proclomation and the rising which soon grabbed the attention of a majority of the people in Ireland. Republicans had begun to openly attack the Board of Erin Hibernian halls and their meetings by 1920 because of their continued support for the John Redmond’s House Rule Party.
The more conservative and sectarian Board or Erin Hibernianism largely disappeared in Ireland with the failure of the Home Rule Party in 1918. Little is known of the Hibernain Rifles group after 1916.
A number of members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians were executed by the IRA on suspicion of being British Spies and the IRA in Belfast found themselves in conflict with armed Hibernians. Today the Ancient Order of Hibernians have almost completely died out in the 26 counties of southern Ireland and have a very small presence in some areas of the 6 counties in the north of Ireland where they still hold marches on Roman Catholic feast days.
Little information is available on Hibernian Rifles after the general release of prisoners after December 1916. While groups such as the Irish Citizen Army retained a large degree of independence from the Irish Volunteers after the Irish Republican Army had been formed in the rebellion, the Hibernian Rifles disappeared completely as a separate military group and became part of the First Battalion Dublin Brigade of the I.R.A. with its re-organisation in 1917. Number 28 North Frederick Street remained a hotbed of rebel activity between 1917 and 1918 and R.I.C. raids were made on the hall only to be resisted by former members of the Hibernian Rifles now serving as I.R.A. Volunteers.
Most of the Hibernian Rifles veterans remained active until the Civil war. One example is Francis Devine who continued military activities with E Coy. 1st Batt. Of the Dublin Brigade I.R.A. After his release from prison he served as a company quartermaster and assisted in the reorganising and training of I.R.A. companies. He was interned for three months under the defence of the realm act for his republican activities and later assisted Harry Boland in canvassing for Sinn Féin in Armagh during the 1918 elections. Devine was on continuous active service from 1919 until truce in July 1921 supplying arms for ambushes and commanding armed patrols. He opted to take a neutral position during the Civil War.
After his release and return to Dublin at Christmas 1916 J.J. Scollan noted “There was a decided change in the outlook of the people. Whereas they were hostile to us when we were being deported, they were now friendly and sympathetic.” “The Hibernian” newspaper was not re-established by Scollan after his release in 1916 and the Irish Branches of the Irish American Alliance were amalgamated into the Sinn Féin political party that developed in 1917. Sinn Féin annexation of the I.A.A. ended political journey, toward republicanism away from sectarian nationalism, that the Irish American Allicance and the Hibernian Rifles has been making since their split with the Board of Érin – Ancient Order of Hibernians in 1907.
Padraig Og O Ruairc is a PhD student at the University of Limerick. He has published a number of books and articles on the War of Independence & Civil War in Clare and Limerick. His most recent book “Revolution – A Photograph History of Revolutionary Ireland 1913 -1923” was short listed for the Best Irish Published Book category in the 2011 Irish Book Awards.
Posted by Jim on October 25, 2016
A friendly reminder that the Fourth Degree ~ Long Island Assembly #703 will be holding it’s monthly meeting at Columbus Council #126 this Wednesday October 26, 2016 @ 7:45 PM. It would be nice to have a STRONG showing by the Fourth Degree members of Columbus Council #126. So for those members that have not attended a Fourth Degree meeting since becoming a member, I ask you to PLEASE make an effort to attend.
Sir Knight Eddie Velinskie
Long Island Assembly #703 Officer
Columbus Council #126 ~ 4th Degree Liaison
Posted by Jim on
On Saturday October 29, 2016 @ 8:00 AM the Fort Hamilton Army Base is having a Military Retiree Appreciation Day at the Theatre including continental breakfast. Also a health fair after and Luncheon for $15 at the community club.
Posted by Jim on October 20, 2016
Ian Cobain’s The History Thieves and Margaret Urwin’s A State of Denial both mined huge piles of official documents to reveal what was going on as Britain disengaged from the empire and how the policies employed in decolonization were transferred here.
Cobain points out that most politicians posted here in the seventies had experience of military action in World War II but were at a loss to know how to deal with what became known as ‘low intensity operations’. However, the military they looked to for advice had vast experience of exactly that in Malaya, Kenya, Cyprus and Aden. Indeed some of the senior officers had just left Aden to the Yemenis two years before arriving in The North. They knew exactly what to do. In The North, as in all those previous theatres, they picked one side and armed them against the other. It wasn’t just collusion: it was collaboration.
Both Cobain and Urwin allow the British government to condemn itself out of the mouths of its own officials in the documents they quote. When the UDR[Ulster Defense Regiment]was expanded in 1972 the Ministry of Defense knew ‘we will be largely arming one section of the community’. Then again they did that with the Turks in Cyprus and had great fun setting the Chinese and Malays against each other. In all places the group the British collaborated with did the dirty work for them.
In August 1974 after a two-hour discussion between Merlyn Rees’s Permanent Secretary and the UDA and UVF on the future of the UDR, the regiment was expanded into two full-time battalions. The NIO accepted this decision was exactly what the UDA had proposed. Why not? The UDA was carefully and deliberately kept legal until 1992. Margaret Urwin shows in NIO and Ministry of Defence documents that the British were well aware of the fact that most UDA weapons came from the UDR but saw no problem in dual membership. Furthermore a briefing document in September 1976 stated ‘the UDA…denies responsibility for sectarian murders and terrorist bombings or claims them in the name of the UFF, a proscribed and essentially fictitious organisation…’.In another document Urwin shows a senior civil servant successfully arguing for a licensed firearm for the UDA bodyguard of the UDA leader. After all, why not be consistent?
Urwin’s use of British public records shows how one-sided the military operation was throughout. Apart from the well-known one-sided use of internment – 18 months after internment was introduced before the first loyalist was interned – there was one-sided use of screening and searches. For example—in six months from September 1975 to March 1976—1,994 people were ‘screened’ (arrested and held at least four hours) of whom 118 were Protestant. Yet during this period 100 people were killed by Republicans and 78 by Loyalists.
Cobain and Urwin show that those policies, arming one side, internment, screening, mass house searches, community punishment, were all essential components of British policy as they fought colonial wars in the fifties and sixties. In a previous book Cruel Britannia, Cobain described how the interrogation methods and torture perfected in the colonies were used here in the seventies and eighties.
The big difference is that —unlike the colonies where Cobain shows civil servants, soldiers, MI5 and Special Branch in their hundreds were engaged in systematically destroying literally tons of documents describing the nefarious and inhuman actions of British troops and police—here, thankfully, the documents survive because The North was part of the UK and the government could hardly destroy its own archives.
Posted by Jim on
Address: 34 Van Dyke St, Brooklyn, NY 11231
Phone: (718) 246-8050
As many of you are aware we are being forcibly removed from our current location at the end of this month.
We would like to take this opportunity to thank all our customers for your patronage over the last 21 years. We would like to especially thank all of you who have offered assistance to us in our present circumstances.
Last Call will be on Thursday October 27th, if you would like to stop in one last time.
Once again, thank you.
Athrú Sceidil / Change of Schedule
Mar a deir Chris, fuair muid “barántas faoisimh ón Ghobharnóir” agus beimid ag Rocky’s seachtain amháin eile.
As Chris says, we received a “warrant of reprieve from the Governor” and we will be at Rocky’s for another week.
Beidh rang eile againn ag Rocky’s, oíche Mhairt seo chugainn, 25ú Deireadh Fómhair.
We will have another class at Rocky’s, next Tuesday night, October 25th.
Ina dhiaidh sin, ag tosú ar 1 Samhain, leanfimid ar aghaidh ag The Irish Haven (5721 4th Ave Brooklyn) ar feadh tamaill.
After that, starting on November 1st, we will continue at The Irish Haven (5721 4th Ave Brooklyn) for a while.
Le cúnamh Dé, fillfimid go dtí an “Rocky’s Nua” i gCorrán Dearg aríst roimh Lá Althaithe!
God willing, we will return to the “New Rocky’s” in Red Hook again before Thanksgiving!
Posted by Jim on
Dear Fellow Hibernians
On behalf of the Officers of the Kings County Board, I hope to find all in good spirit while serving our Saviour, Our Nation and Irish-American Community. We are getting into a very busy season with numerous events being held by various Hibernian Divisions and other Irish Heritage groups. I’m going to list what I have. I know there must be numerous of others, if you can share, that would be very appreciated. Also, it is understandable that attending all these events is an impossibility. Having said that, if you are able to attend, participate, donate, take out a journal ad if applicable or give an acknowledgement to the honorees or causes of the events, that should be accepted warmly. Attending these events is always fun, sometimes spiritual and plenty of good fellowship.
# October 21st, The 141st AOH Queens County Dinner Dance
Located at Russo’s on the Bay, starting at 7:00 pm. John Tully and Mary Hogan, amongst the honorees.
# November 5th, NY AOH State Meeting
Meeting starts at 10:00 am at the Albany Hilton, in Albany.
Also, Testimonial Dinner honoring State President Tim McSwiney
Mass at 4:00 pm, Cocktails at 5:00 pm and Dinner at 6:00 pm. Dinner is $100 per person. Journal ads accepted, please check State website for details for prices and deadlines.
# November 11th, AOH Yonkers Dinner Dance
Located at Westchester Manor, starting at 7:00 pm. Celebrating their 125th year. $100 per person
Contact Kevin Ellis (914) 844-4123 for attendance and journal ads. Deadline is October 28th.
# November 13th, Kings County Division 19 Dinner
Starting at noon at the Baile na nGael, $35 per person. Honoring Steve Terrwilliger on the erection of the Veteran Flag Pole, which is in front of the Baile na nGael along with the new wall. Steve spearheaded the project and saw it to fruitition with a dedication event held earlier this year.
# November 19th, AOH Peekskill Div 18 Dinner Dance
$70 per person. Journal ads accepted. Please view State website for contacts and details.
# November 20th, AOH Bronx County Dinner Dance
Located at Rory Dolan’s from 3:00 pm to 7:00 pm at $70 per person.
Among the Honorees is John O’Connell, the Editor of the National Hibernian Digest
Contact Bob Nolan 347-880-1403 email@example.com
Or Martin Galvin 718-665-1800
Payments of attendees or accepted journal ads is before November 10th.
# Feb. 11th, Kings County Div 35 Dinner Dance
Located at Knight fo Columbus Columbus Council #126. $40 per person
Honoring the Hibernian of the Year, Eddie Velinskie.
Contacting me, Steve Kiernan, would be fine. Details to follow..
November 6th, Commodore Barry Club Annual Social
Located at Saint Patrick’s Auditorium in Bay Ridge from 4:00 pm to 8:00 pm, $30 per person
The Club is honoring member Peter Lovett
November 10th, Saint Patrick’s Society of Brooklyn meeting
Located at Dyker Park Golf Course, 7:30 pm to 10:30 pm, free for members, $50 for non-members.
Contact a member for intentions on attending and/or joining.
December 10th, Richmond County Pipes and Drums 40th Year Anniversary Dinner
Located at LiGreci’s Staaten, from 7:00 pm to 11:00 pm. $65 per person
Contact a member before November 1st, for attendance and/or Journal ads
NYC Saint Patrick’s Day Parade news:
Nothing to report. New Judge hearing case. Affiliates still haven’t been notified by Corporation or Committee with respect of updated Affiliate list and for payment. As of this newsletter, no new update to report. Next Affiliate Meeting in November.
The Kings County Officers would like to wish Marc Reilly of Division 12 congradulations on being the Kings County AOH 2017 Aide to the Grand Marshall at the Irish-American Saint Patrick’s Day Parade in Park Slope. Details of Installation to follow.
Also being honored at the same Irish-American Saint Patrick’s Day Parade is County Officer James O’Leary. He will represent the Grand Council of the Emerald Society.
Well deserved recognition for both, congrats.
As always, please try and attend meetings at your Division and all are invited to the County Meetings.
Next County meeting is Monday October 24th, at the Baile na nGael with a 7:30 pm start
Division 12 meetings are normally the 3rd Thursday of the month and is held at the Leif in Bay Ridge, unless changed by President Jerry McCabe.
Division 19 meetings are normally the 4th Wednesday of the month and is held at the Baile na nGael, unless changed by President Joseph Glynn.
Division 35 meetings are normally the 3rd Tuesday of the month and is held at the Knights of Columbus Columbus Council #126, unless changed by President Eddie Murphy.
The Kings County Board
Will be selling tickets to the Brooklyn Nets Irish Heritage Night
Brooklyn Nets vs The Pelicans
Thursday January 12th, 2107
$60.00 per ticket
More to follow, contact any County Officer for tickets
Sincerely, In Our Motto
Steve Kiernan, President
AOH Kings County Board
Posted by Jim on
New City, New York – 10/19/16 – The Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH)
The Ancient Order of Hibernians condemns the outrageous comments made by host Alex Trebek on the episode of “Jeopardy!” which aired on 10/18/16. During the contestant interview section, Mr. Trebek queried contestant SHANNON DILLMOREShannon Dilmore on his Irish connection given his first name of “Shannon”. Mr. Dillmore stated that he has visited all 26 Counties of the Republic of Ireland and has hill walked all of its highest peaks. It was at this point that Mr. Trebek took it upon himself to ask Mr. Dillmore “Were you sober when you did it?”
We are sure the Jeopardy research staff can provide voluminous material to Mr. Trebek and the show’s producers documenting the bigoted history behind the cliché of conflating Irishness with Drunkenness. As a show that prides itself on its educational value, specifically as regards children, we find such an insensitive and prejudiced remark by the public face of Jeopardy inexcusable. We question if Mr. Trebek would utter such a defaming remark if the target was another heritage. We note the sad irony that the show’s creator Merv Griffin was himself an Irish American; Mr. Trebek who makes a comfortable living off of Mr. Griffin’s legacy should be ashamed for defaming the heritage Mr. Griffin expressed great pride in.
The Ancient Order of Hibernians calls for Mr. Trebek and “Jeopardy!” to immediately issue a full and complete on-air apology to the Irish community for his crass, denigrating remark. We also ask our membership and members of the broader Irish American community to contact “Jeopardy!” Productions at (310) 244-8855 to express their anger at this defamation targeting people of Irish heritage and demand an on-air apology from Mr. Trebeck.
About the Ancient Order of Hibernians
Founded in 1836 with some 40,000 members covering 38 states, the Ancient Order of Hibernians is the oldest and largest Irish-Catholic Organization in the United States
Contact information (press members only):
Neil F. Cosgrove, National Anti-Defamation Chairman
Ancient Order of Hibernians
(845) 499-8546 Neil.Cosgrove@AOH.com
Posted by Jim on October 19, 2016
IT cost almost £7,000 for a DUP-headed Stormont department to change the name of a fisheries patrol boat from Irish into English.
Nationalists reacted angrily last month after new agriculture minister Michelle McIlveen revealed the name of the Irish Sea vessel had been translated from ‘Banríon Uladh’ to ‘Queen of Ulster’.
The DUP minister said the decision was taken because the department has a “single language policy”.
She also said the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs – previously the Department of Agriculture – had a “fresh identity”.
Irish language group Pobal said at the time it “deplored” the name change.
Mid Ulster SDLP assembly member Patsy McGlone last night said he had now learned that the cost of changing the name was £6,835.
Details were revealed in a response to an assembly question.
“It was petty in the first place to go about changing the name of a boat but to waste taxpayers’ money makes it even more ridiculous,” he said.
“Aside from the slight it is to Irish speakers, it says a lot for parity of esteem for other people’s culture and languages around Stormont and government in general.”
A department spokesman said: “The change of lettering was carried out at a scheduled annual maintenance event involving repairs, repainting and antifouling.”
The boat was originally named by former Sinn Fein agriculture minister Michelle Gildernew after it was bought in 2010
Posted by Jim on
Tim Myles Past NY State Chair FFAI reports.
Posted by Jim on October 18, 2016
The officer leading the Stakeknife investigation has been assembling a group of some of the most senior figures in international policing to act as advisors on the case.
Bedfordshire Chief Constable Jon Boutcher, who is heading Operation Kenova, an investigation into several IRA murders and the role of alleged Army agent known as Stakeknife, has been gathering an outside detective team of nearly 50 officers as well as an Independent Steering Group.
NYPD Deputy Commissioner for Intelligence and Counter-terrorism John Miller and Mike Downing, Deputy Chief of the Los Angeles Police Department, will join the group, which will also include Kathleen O’Toole, part of the Patten Commission, former Police Ombudsman Dame Nuala O’Loan, Iain Livingstone, who is Deputy Chief Constable with Police Scotland, and Nick Kaldas a former Deputy Commissioner of Police in New South Wales who has been working with the UN.
Said Boutcher: “Each of those members has experience of complex investigations that will have engaged similar legal challenges and have involved historical cases.”
He said the group is to act as a “sounding board” or “critical friend.”
“There is an absolute determination to get to the truth for the families,” he said – and he promised “a meaningful, honest, authentic investigation to get to the heart of what happened”.
Stakeknife is the code name for the Army agent who infiltrated the IRA, operating inside its “internal security,” the division of that organization responsible for the interrogation of suspected informers often leading to execution.
Freddie Scappaticci, a Belfast republican interned in the 1970s, has denied he was the agent, ITV.com reports.
The investigating team will begin by assessing relevant documents and information held across the intelligence agencies—Military, MI5 and the then RUC Special Branch.
Boutcher has been meeting families to brief them on the progress and has also assembled a Victims Focus Group to advise the investigation.
“I am committed to doing all I can to find the truth for the victims and their families. It is them who we should be thinking of throughout, said Boutcher, when he received the appointment in June.
“It must be extremely hard to have listened to various commentaries within the community and the media about how and why their loved ones died. I hope this investigation ultimately addresses the uncertainties
Posted by Jim on October 17, 2016
Posted by Jim on
Oct. 17 is a sad day for the New York Fire Department. Monday is the 50th anniversary of the fire that, until the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attack, claimed more firefighters’ lives than any other disaster in the city.
The short trip that the firefighters made from nearby firehouses on Oct. 17, 1966, started around 9:30 p.m. when they headed to a fire at a building on East 22nd Street, just east of Broadway.
Despite the heat and smoke they encountered, firefighters who were there said the source of the blaze — its “seat,” in firefighters’ parlance — had not been obvious. Several firefighters were sent around the block, to 23rd Street, and told to pull a hose through a drugstore there in an attempt to approach the fire from the rear. They went in, and never made it out.
What was burning in the 22nd Street building, a subsequent investigation showed, was paint and lacquer that had been stored in the basement by an art dealer. What the firefighters who went into Wonder Drug & Cosmetics, at 6 East 23rd Street, across from Madison Square Park, had no way of knowing was that the store and the 22nd Street building shared a basement, and that an interior basement wall had recently been moved to give the 22nd Street building more underground storage space.
That meant that the drugstore’s thick floor was poorly supported, and as the fire burned below it collapsed, sending 10 firefighters plunging into the basement. Two others were caught by the flames that quickly roared up to the first floor through the huge hole left by the collapse.
The five-story building that housed the drugstore is long gone. In its place is a high-rise apartment building that covers 22nd to 23rd Streets. On its 23rd Street wall is a bronze plaque that reads, “In tribute to our comrades,” with the date of the fire and the name and rank of each of the 12 victims.
The Fire Department’s current commissioner, Daniel A. Nigro, whose father was a captain in the department, visited the scene the day after the fatal fire, and speaks often of the tragedy.
“It made a lasting impression on me,” Mr. Nigro said last week.
He attended the funeral of several of the men a few days later, which he recalled as “a very sad day.”
Mr. Nigro became a firefighter three years later and was assigned to a Midtown Manhattan company. At the time, he said, the deaths were “still on the minds of the firefighters in that area.”
The memory has not faded. “Any time I go on 23rd Street, which is fairly frequent, whoever I’m with, I tell them” about the fire, Mr. Nigro said, adding, “Every once in a while, I see somebody who was there, and we talk about it.”
Every Oct. 17, firefighters who helped battle the blaze, department commanders and current members of the companies whose members died gather in front of the bronze plaque for a solemn ceremony for what is remembered as the 23rd Street Fire. They will do so again on Monday.
Posted by Jim on
By Brian Feeney (for Irish News)
Charlie Flanagan tells us the Irish government will seek ‘legal
recognition of the unique status of the north and the circumstances on
However, he was talking in terms of the free movement of people and
goods on the island.
That seems to be what the Taoiseach’s planned ‘All-Island Civic
Dialogue’ seems to be concentrating on too.
(You daren’t call it an ‘All-Ireland Civic Dialogue’ in case you offend
unionists who aren’t turning up anyway).
Most experts think that will be a tall order. In the last week the
indications are that other EU members are lining up to make negotiations
as difficult as possible for the British government after Theresa May
and her ministers’ aggressive and provocative remarks at her party’s
rally in Birmingham.
The Conservative Brexiteers really know how to make friends and
influence people. May and her immediate xenophobic entourage are the
only people who count.
That’s clear now. Our proconsul, her local little Englander Sir Echo, is
her political lapdog who has worked with her during his years at the
Home Office where her authoritarianism was evident in every statement.
Our proconsul takes care to use exactly the same words as May, for
example ‘no borders of the past’, without having a clue what that means
in the future or how it will be implemented.
What we know for sure is this. May and her braying conference place
immigration at the top of the agenda.
Control of numbers means leaving the single market and probably the
customs union too. She, and of course her local lapdog, witter on about
the Common Travel Area, deliberately confusing it with free trade in
goods which it certainly isn’t.
How the two are going to be equated in Charlie Flanagan’s ‘legal
recognition’ is a mystery when Britain leaves the single market.
Puzzling enough as that conundrum is, there’s another more profound
How do you retain the right to pursue the aspiration towards Irish unity
to be operated by a border poll as provided in the Good Friday Agreement
when the north isn’t in the EU? So far only the Taoiseach has made a
passing reference to this problem in an important speech a couple of
Suppose post Brexit, in a decade with an inevitable nationalist voting
majority here especially as economic hardship bites, suppose people did
vote for Irish unity: how would that work when the north isn’t in the
EU? How does it join?
The Taoiseach compared the problem to West Germany’s position after 1989
when the wall came down. It joined with East Germany which was admitted
automatically after 1990 to the EEC as it then was.
Could the north do the same and if so, what would the Scottish
government think if the same arrangements weren’t available to Scotland?
Would other EU members agree? Would Spain want similar arrangements to
incorporate Gibraltar as their price?
Charlie Flanagan and the Irish government need to start thinking about
how they incorporate such a process as the German one into the ‘legal
recognition of the unique status of the north’ instead of just talking
The Irish government goes on about how a hard border will cause
difficulties for the peace process. Fair enough.
What will cause incomparably more difficulty is if the carefully worded
deal in the Good Friday Agreement about how to advance Irish unity
peacefully and democratically is casually set aside unilaterally by the
British government with no concern for the inevitable consequences.
Let’s state quite simply what they are. A boost for republican
dissidents, destabilisation of Sinn Fein’s political position and
general nationalist outrage that a British government has once again
reneged on a deal, in this case an international agreement.
The Irish government has to start making these points explicitly because
the Brexiteers in this horrible British government care nothing of the
consequences for the north of their rush towards a UKIP-lite position.
Cutting immigration is the number one priority in order to steal UKIP’s
clothes and undermine Labour. Dublin should remind them of the
consequences of ignoring Ireland.
Posted by Jim on
An arson attack on a flat in north Belfast was a sectarian bid by
loyalists to burn out Catholics living in the area.
A bin was pushed against the door of a ground floor flat on Ligoniel
Road and set alight at around 1.25am on Thursday morning.
The death threat ‘KAT’ had been spray-painted outside the property,
which is in a predominantly loyalist area. ‘KAT’ is an abbreviation for
‘Kill All Taigs [Catholics]’.
The blaze damage the ground flat and an upper apartment. Three people
were treated for smoke inhalation, but the targets of the attack escaped
Meanwhile, there was shock when two loyalists who nearly killed a young
Catholic man in an “animalistic” sectarian attack in Derry were this
week given only suspended sentences.
Judge Barney McElholm admitted the victim was lucky to be alive as he
allowed two Waterside men to walk free for their part in the attack,
which took place in the predominantly Protestant Fountain area of the
Darren Dougherty and Robert Lyttle, both 24, were charged with assault
and assault occasioning actual bodily harm respectively.
The court heard the victim was attacked by a group of six-seven males
who were said to have shouted sectarian abuse such as “you Fenian
bastard” during the 2014 attack. CCTV footage played in court showed
Lyttle kicking the victim six times as he lay on the ground and
Dougherty on top of him as girls attempted to break it up.
Passing sentence, Judge McElholm said the attack could have proved fatal
and the victim could have sustained “serious and permanent brain
Addressing both defendants, Judge McElholm said: “Both of you need to
take a long hard look at yourselves.” Dougherty was a given three months
jail sentence suspended for two years and Lyttle was given a nine month
jail term suspended for two years
Posted by Jim on
A court has thrown out politically-motivated charges against a prominent
County Tyrone republican after British prosecutors abandoned the case.
David Jordan was accused of trying to kill a member of the Crown forces
in May 2008 in an attack later claimed by the breakaway ‘Real IRA’, but
the case was withdrawn during a hearing in Strabane this week.
Last month Mr Jordan was appointed as the first chairman of newly
established anti-agreement political party Saoradh – which is Irish for
Mr Jordan, who denied any part in the 2008 attack, said he was
previously questioned about it eight years ago and released without
charge. He described the decision to charge him as “vindictive” .
Restrictive bail conditions imposed on Mr Jordan included a ban on
having a mobile phone or accessing the internet. He was also ordered to
report to the PSNI daily, abide by a curfew and wear an electronic tag.
He described the timing of his arrest as “suspicious”.
“It put me off the road for ten and a half months,” he said. “I feel it
is part of a campaign on the part of the British to stabilise the six
“Any vocal opposition to the status quo in the six counties is met by
internment by remand and stringent and draconian bail conditions.”
Meanwhile, pressure is growing for the release of Derry political
activist Tony Taylor. Protests are due to take place in Dublin and
Glasgow on Saturday, October 29 by anti-internment groups in both
In March this year, Mr Taylor was arrested while on a family outing in
Derry following order for his internment by then Direct Ruler Theresa
Villiers, who claimed he was a risk to the public. He has been held at
Maghaberry prison since then without charge or trial.
This week, prominent Derry priest Fr Paddy O’Kane lent his support to
the campaign for Taylor’s release.
“The case simply boils down to this,” he wrote. “They should either
charge him or release him. The fact is however they are in no rush to do
so and seem quite happy to simply sit on their hands and keep Tony
locked up. That is where the injustice lies.”
Sinn Fein has also renewed its calls for the release of the Derry man.
In a recent meeting with the current Direct Ruler James Brokenshire,
Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness said he told him the continued detention
of the Derry man was “unacceptable” and made it clear that, in the
absence of due process, he should be “released immediately.”
Posted by Jim on
from Irish Central
Former Ireland captain and Munster Rugby coach Anthony Foley passed away suddenly in the team’s Paris hotel on Saturday night, the night before Munster were to play Racing 92, in a European Champions Cup tie.
Foley (42) died of a suspected heart attack and was found dead in his hotel room. It is reported by the Mail on Sunday that Foley, known as Axel, shared a quiet drink with his colleagues before retiring early to bed. He was pronounced dead at the scene after he failed to attend an early morning meeting.
As a mark of respect the Sunday game was rescheduled and Munster fans gathered at the stadium, Stade Yves du Manoir, to hold an impromptu vigil for the rugby hero.
Foley captained the Ireland rugby team three times during a 62-cap career and skippered Munster to Heineken Cup glory in 2006, over Biarritz in Cardiff. Back-rower Foley made a try-scoring international debut against England in the 1995 Six Nations and from 2000 to 2005 that he became established as a key figure in Ireland’s team.
In 2008 he retired leaving Munster as the club’s most-capped player with 194 appearances for the provincial side.
Foley is survived by his wife Olive and his two children. Ireland’s Department of Foreign Affairs have confirmed that they are providing consular assistance through Ireland’s Embassy in Paris.
Former Irish captain and teammate Ronan O’Gara, who is now a coach at Racing 92, spoke of the loss of an “incredible man.” O’Gara and Foley were long time team mates and won two Heineken Cups and a Celtic League with Munster and a Triple Crown with Munster in 2004.
Former Ireland coach Donal Lenihan spoke of the “shock and horror” of Foley’s death and said he was a man “destined to play rugby.”
Eddie O’Sullivan who coached Foley, on the Ireland team, told Off the Ball “What he brought was a phenomenal rugby brain to the game. It wasn’t just his ability to play. He had a great skill set… He knew that nuance that keeps teams on track and steers them to victory.”
He added “I’ve no doubt in my mind, that he was going to take on Munster again a few years down the track… He was going to coach Ireland, I’ve no doubt about that. From a rugby point of view, it’s a dreadful loss to Irish rugby.”
Posted by Jim on October 14, 2016
Greetings folks, on Sunday November 06, 2016 from 12:00 PM till 4:00 PM @ Columbus Council #126 we will be having our 2nd Annual Military Veterans Appreciation Day BBQ.
The cost for both is $15.00 PP and will include Beer, Wine & Soda.
There is no charge for Columbus Council #126 Military Veterans, but we do ask that if you are bringing a Military Veteran that you please pick up the cost for them.
All payments must be submitted by Tuesday November 01, 2016 11:00 PM as we are only having enough food on hand for those who submit payments or names. Please no day of event walk ~ in’s.
Columbus Council #126 Military Veterans please submit your name by Tuesday November 01, 2016 11:00 PM.
Please contact Eddie Velinskie @ 347-210-1249
Posted by Jim on
AOH Division #21 Hall
4 Roxbury Blvd
Roxbury, NY 11697
From the Belt Parkway get off exit 11S Flatbush Ave South. Continu down Flatbush Ave for about 2 Miles and go over the Marine Park/Gil Hodges Memorial Bridge. Stay in the right lane going over the bridge and take the first exit over the bridge “Breezy Point”. Proceed down that road to the 2nd Traffic Light. Make a right and stop at the security gate, tell the security guard that you are going to the AOH Hall for a meeting. If the security guard is not aware for the AOH Hall tell them that you are going to the old “Pebbles Pub”. Proceed past the security gate straight, park your vehicle and it’s a short walk to our hall.
Posted by Jim on October 13, 2016
LOYALIST victims campaigner Willie Frazer has branded participants in a fundraising walk for a Tyrone GAA club as “dissidents” and “republican scum.”
The walk for Thomas Clarkes GFC began at Arbour Hill Cemetery in Dublin on Wednesday at the burial place of the club’s patron, a key figure in the 1916 Easter Rising, and finished on Sunday in Dungannon with a 5k run and a programme of family entertainment at O’Neill Park.
The proceeds from the fundraiser will go towards a planned new club complex – including a new main pitch, seated stand and floodlights, modern pavilion, as well as indoor training and playing facilities – to co-incide with its centenary next year.
However, at the weekend Mr Frazer posted a video on social media in which he lashed out at the event.
“Apparently some dissidents and their colleagues are walking from Dublin to Dungannon to commemorate 100 years ago the boys leaving Dungannon to go to the Rising.
“I know some of them would certainly need to do a bit of walking when you see the cut of them.
He added: “It is a total and utter disgrace that these people are allowed to go out to commemorate terrorists. Apparently they have walked from Dublin but they probably got the bus to Keady.”
The Co Armagh victims campaigner then went on to claim most of those involved “are dissidents” and urged viewers of his video-post to “find out how these people have been given permission to walk 40 miles in Northern Ireland without anybody saying it is contentious.”
He said: “We can’t walk a few hundred yards without it being contentious.
“There is the Thomas Clarke (sic) GAA club as well…it is not them but obviously they must be connected in some way or another.
Mr Frazer added: “If it is anything to do with the 1916 Rising they will probably be running as that is what most of them did during the Rising.”
In a separate post showing posters from the GAA club highlighting the event, Mr Frazer said: “This is what a walk of real shame looks like by Republican scum taking place this weekend. They made sure to take the long road so not too have come past Markethill. Lol”
The postings led to a number of derogatory comments about the fundraiser from Mr Frazer’s supporters, including one which read: “A landmine wouldn’t go amiss.”
Other online comments ridiculed Mr Frazer’s video, with one woman stating: “Ahh have you ever heard so much bitterness? There’ll be an army there alright to meet them, #TsC25K army which is totally inclusive regardless of religion, nationality and any politics whatsoever.”
Thomas Clarkes GAC chairman Damian Cahalane told The Irish News the club was aware of the video but would not be commenting.
Posted by Jim on
Tá Rocky’s ag aistriú!
Rocky’s is moving!
Ach ní bheimid i bhfad.
But we won’t be far.
Fuair Chris baile nua dúinn atá 300 troigh ónár n-ionad láithreach.
Chris found a new home for us that is 300 feet from our present location.
Béidh ár rang deireanach againn sa “Sean-Rocky’s” an tseachtain seo chugainn, oíche Mháirt, 18ú Deireadh Fómhair.
We will have our last class in the “Old Rocky’s” next week, October 18th.
Ina dhiaidh sin, leanfimid ar aghaidh ag an Irish Haven, 5721 Ceathrú Ascaill, Brooklyn, ag tosú ar 25ú DF, go osclaítear an “Nua-Rocky’s”, i Mí Shamhna, le cúnamh Dé.
After that, we will continue at the Irish Haven, 5721 Fourth Avenue, Brooklyn, starting on Oct, 25th, until the “New Rocky’s” is opened, in November, God willing.
Scaip an scéal!
Spread the news!
Posted by Jim on October 12, 2016
Brian Feeney. Irish News (Belfast). Wednesday, October 12, 2016
Charlie Flanagan tells us the Irish government will seek ‘legal recognition of the unique status of the North and the circumstances on the island’. However he was talking in terms of the free movement of people and goods on the island. That seems to be what the Taoiseach’s planned ‘All-Island Civic Dialogue’ seems to be concentrating on too. (You daren’t call it an ‘All-Ireland Civic Dialogue’ in case you offend Unionists who aren’t turning up anyway).
Most experts think that will be a tall order. In the last week the indications are that other EU members are lining up to make negotiations as difficult as possible for the British government after Theresa May and her ministers’ aggressive and provocative remarks at her party’s rally in Birmingham. The Conservative Brexiteers really know how to make friends and influence people.
May and her immediate xenophobic entourage are the only people who count. That’s clear now. Our proconsul, her local little Englander Sir Echo, is her political lapdog who has worked with her during his years at the Home Office where her authoritarianism was evident in every statement. Our proconsul takes care to use exactly the same words as May, for example ‘no borders of the past’, without having a clue what that means in the future or how it will be implemented.
What we know for sure is this: May and her braying conference place immigration at the top of the agenda. Control of numbers means leaving the single market and probably the customs union too. She, and of course her local lapdog, witter on about the Common Travel Area, deliberately confusing it with free trade in goods which it certainly isn’t. How the two are going to be equated in Charlie Flanagan’s ‘legal recognition’ is a mystery when Britain leaves the single market.
Puzzling enough as that conundrum is, there’s another more profound political conundrum. How do you retain the right to pursue the aspiration towards Irish unity to be operated by a Border Poll, as provided in the Good Friday Agreement, when the North isn’t in the EU? So far only the Taoiseach has made a passing reference to this problem in an important speech a couple of weeks ago. Suppose post Brexit—in a decade with an inevitable Nationalist voting majority— especially as economic hardship bites, suppose people did vote for Irish unity, how would that work when the North isn’t in the EU? How does it join?
The Taoiseach compared the problem to West Germany’s position after 1989 when the wall came down. It joined with East Germany which was admitted automatically after 1990 to the EEC as it then was. Could the North do the same, and , if so, what would the Scottish government think if the same arrangements weren’t available to Scotland? Would other EU members agree? Would Spain want similar arrangements to incorporate Gibraltar as their price?
Charlie Flanagan and the Irish government need to start thinking about how they incorporate such a process as the German one into the ‘legal recognition of the unique status of the north’ instead of just talking about trade. The Irish government goes on about how a hard border will cause difficulties for the peace process. Fair enough. [But] what will cause incomparably more difficulty is if the carefully worded deal in the Good Friday Agreement—about how to advance Irish unity peacefully and democratically— is casually set aside unilaterally by the British government with no concern for the inevitable consequences.
Let’s state quite simply what [the consequences] are:A boost for republican dissidents, destabilisation of Sinn Féin’s political position and general Nationalist outrage that a British government has once again reneged on a deal, in this case an international agreement.
The Irish government has to start making these points explicitly because the Brexiteers in this horrible British government care nothing of the consequences for the North of their Gadarene rush towards a UKIP-lite position. Cutting immigration is the number one priority in order to steal UKIP’s clothes and undermine Labour.
Dublin should remind them of the consequences of ignoring Ireland.
Posted by Jim on October 11, 2016
Pauline Mellon on the Ardoyne parades dispute, from her blog,
‘The Diary of a Derry Mother’.
Let me take you out of Derry tonight and into the heart of North Belfast
to a place called Ardoyne. Ardoyne has been at the centre of a lot of
controversy recently following negotiations to dismantle the Twadell
Protest Camp. The Protest Camp was set up in July 2013 in opposition to
a parade ruling to restrict an Orange Order Parade. What was effectively
an act of trespass on the part of the protesters ended up costing the
taxpayer a staggering #21 million to police, with the the camp located
close to the nationalist Ardoyne area. Yes folks you’ve read that
correctly, at a time when health, education and welfare budgets were
being slashed, #21 million was spent on policing an illegal camp.
Welcome to Starship Norn Iron!
A few weeks ago it emerged that negotiations to dismantle the Twadell
camp were not only ongoing but at an advanced stage. Key to these
negotiations were two gentlemen in particular, the Reverend Harold Goode
and Derry ‘business’ man Jim Roddy MBE. The Reverend Harold Goode is
well known for his input in situations of a sensitive nature but I fail
to see where Jim Roddy fitted here, in fact I’m equally curious as to
what line of business he is in.
Let me clarify, it is not my intention to dismiss Jim’s efforts, on the
contrary, his temerity is to be commended. With the removal of the
Twadell camp marking the first phase of a possible many Jim now has the
task of engaging with residents who are clearly unhappy with the process
and the outcome of the negotiations both he and others played a pivotal
role in. So on that note, Good Luck Jim!
The angry scenes in Ardoyne last weekend dominated news headlines and
singled out one Ardoyne resident in particular, GARC spokesperson Dee
Fennell. In a spate of unbalanced media reporting Fennell has been
heavily criticised and labelled a bully for his forthright manner
towards local clergy member Fr Gary Donegan. What some press outlets
have failed to show or mention is that Fennell’s input came about as he
tried to diffuse a potentially volatile situation involving irate
residents. This is clear from the unedited version of video footage
which appeared online. In the ‘edited version’ the media didn’t show Mr.
Fennell pointing out to Fr Donegan how local residents were unable to go
about their business, and how the allowing of this parade was not
welcomed by a lot of people in the area. As someone who has crossed
swords (online debate) with Fennell in the past and with no axe to
grind either way I feel that Fennell is being used as a scapegoat to
deflect from a deal which excluded residents from a process they should
have been central to. Something which has has been confirmed by one
Ardoyne resident I am friendly with. Not much of a fresh start!
As the dust settled I was surprised to read that Father Gary Donegan
stated that the ‘confrontation with protesters’ on Saturday reminded him
of the Holy Cross dispute. Oddly, I don’t remember any news reports from
Saturday showing people throwing bombs at children trying to get to
school. It would seem that Father Gary is playing his part in trying to
move the focus away from the issue of contention residents face, which
is they don’t want a loyalist parade in their area. If you’re reading
this Father Donegan I would suggest a period of reflection followed by a
concerted effort to engage with your flock, and this time the entire
flock. After all if I’m not mistaken does Catholic not mean universal
and all encompassing because if I’m right then helping exclude residents
from the process wasn’t very Catholic of you.
To understand why people are feeling angry particularly those who were
prevented from going about their daily business on Saturday those quick
to condemn them should have a cursory glance at Article 8 of the
European Convention on Human Rights. This article provides for the right
to have your family, private life, home and correspondence respected.
Article 9 provides for the right to freedom of thought, conscience and
religion, so those parishioners of Father Donegan’s who couldn’t attend
his church, in their own area, or who are being lambasted by the media
for expressing an opinion are having their human rights violated. But
hey why let facts get in the way of deflection!
One of the things that saddened me most this weekend was the scene with
the older man who was clearly frustrated by the way he and his community
had been treated, a man who has since been described as a heckler. Where
was Father Gary’s Christianity as he stood glaring at this older man? It
seemed that Father Donegan was incapable of understanding that this man
was upset and moreover, incapable of responding to him. This was a long
way from when the same Father Donegan was interviewed for an article
called ‘Faith on the Interface’ when he said “the fact that his
parishioners did not have to endure the return parade reduced tension on
the Catholic side.” When my husband watched Fr Gary’s performance on the
news, he said “if ever there was a poster boy for atheism it’s yer man
there.” If the picture had of been in black & white I would’ve guessed
it was back at the time when no one could say boo to man of the cloth,
and just look where that ended up!
As people watch the biased news reports singling out individuals as
bullies or hecklers maybe they should look at what the people of Ardoyne
have had to endure. There were nearly 100 lives lost in the parish
during the troubles and there was the Holy Cross issue and the attacks
on School children. Added to this has been the violence meted out
against residents during successive marching seasons. Violence such as a
leading loyalist ramming his car into a crowd of people injuring a 13
year old girl, and those incidents barely scratch the surface of what
they have endured.
The reality now for the people of Ardoyne is that a precedent has been
set for the return leg of the Orange Order march. As it stands residents
are now in limbo as to what happens next and unsure of what they will
have to ‘endure’. To address this there needs to be immediate dialogue
between the negotiators and local residents, particularly those
initially excluded from the process,. With this I do hope a broad
consensus can be reached. I would also hope that those buying into the
outcome of the alleged consultation on the issue consider that the views
of community groups, most of which are politically weighted, are no
substitute for the views and input of the people who live in the area.
The people who will have to endure the aftermath of each deal imposed
upon them and the precedent it sets.
Posted by Jim on October 8, 2016
Known as the ‘Hallion Battalion’, the UDA unit was being groomed to eventually take over ‘C Company’ from the shaven-headed terror boss.
But its members are now either in the grave, prison or exiled from their former lower Shankill power base.
Not a single one of these UDA ‘young guns’ was present at Adair Jnr’s funeral in Scotland.
Instead it was left to the terror gang’s old-timers like ‘Skelly’ McCrory and John White to bury their pal Johnny Adair’s oldest child.
Sunday Life today looks at what became of the ‘Hallion Battalion’s’ leading members, and how their associations with Adair led each to either prison, exile or an early death.
JONATHAN ADAIR: Died of a drugs overdose one day after being freed from prison for motoring offences.
At the time of his death the 32-year-old was awaiting trial on drugs charges.
He had previous convictions for heroin dealing and wrecking the home of a woman who refused to sell him cannabis.
Jonathan fled the Shankill Road in 2003 after his father’s ‘C Company’ faction was purged by the mainstream UDA.
He was being groomed for a senior role in the unit and had been pictured for a UFF calendar wearing a balaclava and carrying a machine-gun. A year earlier he was kneecapped by the terror gang for hitting a woman during a filling station robbery and breaking into the home of a pensioner.
WILLIAM HILL: A violent ‘C Company’ member who hero-worshipped Johnny Adair and ended up being convicted of murder.
The 32-year-old is due for release in the new year after serving a minimum 13-year life sentence for beating chef David Cupples to death outside the old Girdwood Army barracks.
Hill, who had spent the night taking drugs and drinking in a ‘C Company’ shebeen, mistook his victim for a Catholic.
Popular David was walking along Clifton Park Avenue for an early morning shift when he was set upon by the frenzied sectarian thug.
Hill beat the innocent Protestant with a brick, and the following day threatened staff at a nearby service station to delete CCTV footage that recorded him at the premises the night before.
After the UDA thug was jailed it emerged he had carried out pipe-bomb attacks on the north Belfast office of SDLP politician Alban Maginness and the home of rival loyalist John ‘Grugg’ Gregg.
WAYNE AND BENJI DOWIE: The brothers were among two-dozen Johnny Adair loyalists who fled the Shankill when his faction was exiled by the UDA in February 2003.
Two years later Wayne, 36, was cleared of the UDA feud murder of Jonathan Stewart during a Christmas party in north Belfast.
The 2002 killing was carried out by a ‘C Company’ gunman because the victim was related to a loyalist who had fallen out with Adair.
His brother Benji, 35, was jailed for five years in 2004 for conspiracy to sell crack cocaine and heroin alongside Jonathan Adair.
Despite their associations with ‘C Company’ resulting in them being exiled from Northern Ireland, the Dowie brothers remain in awe of Adair.
In 2003 Wayne Dowie told reporters: “From when I’ve been growing up he’s been the biggest loyalist in my eyes. As Ulster’s young men we looked up to Johnny. We idolised him.”
ALAN ‘BUCKY’ McCULLOUGH: His body was found in a shallow grave at Mallusk in June 2005 two months after he left a safe house in Bolton to return to the Shankill Road.
The 21-year-old, who idolised Johnny Adair, was among the ‘C Company’ members who fled their Belfast home in February 2003 after being attacked by the mainstream UDA.
He moved to the north-east of England, but was unable to settle and sought assurances from the UDA that he would be safe if he returned to Northern Ireland.
Within a month of moving back to the Shankill McCullough disappeared. The body of the dad-of-one was discovered one month later.
Leading UDA member Mo Courtney — a former close friend of Johnny Adair — was convicted of the manslaughter of McCullough and sentenced to eight years in prison.
ANDREW ROBINSON: The knife maniac is serving a minimum 20-year life sentence for the horrific murder of his fiancée Julie-Ann Osbourne in 2000.
The 38-year-old stabbed his helpless girlfriend 50 times and left her body impaled to the floor of their Shankill Terrace home.
Robinson slaughtered Julie-Ann, 22, because she threatened to leave him and take their baby daughter Melissa with her.
At the time of the killing the thug was a ‘C Company’ enforcer who treated Johnny Adair as a god-like figure.
Robinson — who had an appalling record of domestic violence against his partner — was tasked with carrying out punishment attacks for the UDA.
He was behind bars when Adair’s faction fled the Shankill in 2003.
However, he will not be able to return there when he is freed from prison such is the revulsion towards him for murdering Julie-Ann
DEE COLEMAN: The only member of Johnny Adair’s ‘Hallion Battalion’ who is still with the mainstream UDA.
The 32-year-old was behind bars when his then he ro was forced from the Shankill by the mainstream UDA.
But rather than join him in Scotland on his release, Coleman opted to remain in Northern Ireland within the ranks of the terror organisation.
Coleman’s stint in a juvenile jail came about after he was convicted of involvement, aged just 14, in a UDA gun attack on rival UVF supporters during the 2000 loyalist feud.
He was caged again in 2007, this time for six years, for trying to extort £5,000 from an undercover policeman who he thought was a builder.
Coleman, who is currently the UDA’s second-in-command on the lower Shankill, wed two weeks ago in a lavish ceremony.
Posted by Jim on
Raymond McCord at Belfast High Court during his case opposing Brexit.
Photo Arthur Allison/Pacemaker Press
Sam McBride .News Letter. (Belfast). Friday, October 7, 2016
cif he loses the High Court action.
Lawyers for Raymond McCord, whose son was murdered by the UVF in 1997, are asking the Belfast court to stop the entire UK leaving the EU because a majority in Northern Ireland did not endorse that decision.
In a case which has potentially momentous constitutional ramifications for the UK, Ronan Lavery QC told the High Court on Tuesday that it should interpret the Good Friday Agreement
to mean that it was impossible for Northern Ireland to be taken out of the EU against the wishes of its people.
Yesterday the case â as well as a concurrent but separate case which was brought by politicians and human rights groups â concluded in court, with the judge reserving judgement but promising to âimmediatelyâ consider the issues.
TUV leader and veteran QC Jim Allister has said that he will eat his hat if the cases succeed.
Speaking to the News Letter about how he got legal aid for the Brexit case, Mr. McCord said: âI was turned down and I appealed it.
âMy solicitors had to go and sit in front of the Legal Aid Commission â it wasnât that I just put in an application and it was granted.
âAt the appeal, my solicitors had to state their case. The legal aid was given and the panel had to believe that there was both merit in the case and a chance of success.â
Mr McCord criticized Paul Frew, the DUP chairman of the Assemblyâs Justice Committee, for questioning the decision to grant legal aid for such a case.
He said that Mr. Frew is âentitled to have an opinionâ, but said that he should have come to court to hear the case before deciding whether or not it had merit.
When asked if – in the event that the High Court finds against him – the legal aid will also cover an appeal to the Court of Appeal, Mr McCord said: âI believe that it does. Iâm pretty certain of that.â
When asked if he intended to pursue an appeal if he loses, Mr. McCord said that it was âone possibilityâ, adding: âI feel strongly about it.â
In court yesterday during less than an hour of final legal arguments, the judge was told that there had been agreement between the parties that if there is a costs order imposed by the court those costs will be capped â regardless of whether the government or the applicants are asked to pay for the proceedings.
The court was told that this was the same approach which has been taken in the case taken in London, which is due to be heard later this month.
Posted by Jim on
The oration delivered by Francie Mackey, chairman of the Irish
Republican Prisoners Welfare Association, at the Hunger Strike
commemoration in Duleek organised by the Duleek Hunger Strike Monument
Committee on Saturday, 17th September.
As Irish republicans we know we are right. But we must equally know and
accept that we are not winning this struggle. To sacrifice your life
with the implicit trust that your comrades will fully utilise that
sacrifice to attain the ultimate objective can only be reciprocated by
the fullest efforts to do exactly that.
The Hunger Strike brought to a climax the role that the imprisonment of
PoW’s has on the overall Republican Struggle. The repressive confinement
forged a bond that became unbreakable despite the massive efforts of the
British establishment to do so.
One could argue that the Hunger Strike was the most defining republican
battle since the Civil War. For just like the Anglo Irish Treaty in 1921
the policy of criminalisation was a strategic British effort to
fundamentally undermine the sovereign legitimate basis of the republican
The Five Demands were essentially a metaphor for Irish Independence.
This is what the ten republican and republican socialist volunteers died
for. There exists today on this island republican PoW’s in
incarceration. They exist because the British government, in connivance
with Irish allies, continues to violate our national sovereignty.
But the same unity of purpose that existed in 1981 does not exist today.
We need to address this. There can only be one national army and those
taken prisoner for its activities are national prisoners. The practice
of republican POW’s being somehow relegated to the status of a given
prison landing is a farce.
To claim that republican PoW’s are aligned to a given political or
welfare group reduces the national army to the status of a militia. To
have a policy of discrimination for the welfare of PoW’s families based
on what landing their relative or spouse reside on is an obscenity.
This entire approach represents a deeply flawed understanding of what
republicanism is all about and what the Hunger Strikes endeavoured to
To claim to be a republican, to claim to honour the memory of the Hunger
Strikers carries with it an onerous responsibility. The Hunger Strikers
did not die for glory, let alone hollow homage. No matter where we stand
in their name we must give an account of ourselves in the most honest
terms. As of now this account is exceptionally weak and disunited.
Republican history is replete with examples of when republicans came
together in common cause to maximise the political effects of their
combined efforts. This being the Centenary Year of the 1916 Easter
Rebellion that event naturally comes to mind. But the Hunger Strike of
1981 is no less an example.
In an almost tragic irony, with the perceived differences we conjure
between ourselves, it was the British establishment who always viewed us
as one. And in doing so they treated us in kind. For the British,
Volunteers of the Republican Movement and the Republican Socialist
Movement were united in criminal intent against British interests in
And to extend this irony it was the unity of purpose between the
Republican Movement and Republican Socialist Movement which defeated
their policy of criminalisation within their prison system. This took
great effort and sacrifice. But it took unity of purpose first. Failing
to recognise this is a criminal dereliction in itself.
We cannot write the history of the Hunger Strike by looking back. Ours
is not an academic struggle. Events like the Hunger Strike and the 1916
Rising were the chapters of their time. We are now the authors of this
struggle in the here and now.
To begin this task there are certain realities we must face. Firstly, we
must adopt a concept of winning this struggle. We are not here to uphold
a tradition or praise glorious defeats. It is not our place to stand on
the coattails of previous generations and claim some form of apostolic
lineage to them. We are not here to bequeath our failures to the next
Secondly, although the core principle for which we struggle remains our
constant, the political environment in which we struggle for it, is
constantly changing. That means that republicans must adapt. Our message
must adapt. Our language must adapt and our strategies must adapt.
We have to abandon the fallacy of believing that simply being right is
enough. We need to stop deluding ourselves that by calling ourselves
something different it somehow makes us different, let alone relevant.
We must recognise that because the British presence in our country is
even more entrenched, all that has gone before has failed.
Thirdly, and crucially, we must take collective responsibility for the
circumstances in which Irish republicanism finds itself. And in so doing
we must recognise that a collective approach to addressing this is the
only viable way forward. Blaming others is not a solution.
A collective approach means a democratic approach. That requires us
sitting down as equals and mapping a way forward. In such a process
making our core message relevant to our people is key. For too long
republicans have looked upon the Irish people as mere spectators to the
struggle for independence. To struggle for the Irish people we must
struggle with them. An Irish Republic is not a monument to the dead but
a home of peace and justice for the living.
When we go into our communities our message must first and foremost make
sense. Communities which are suffering from discrimination, drug abuse
and debt exploitation are not in tune with the narrative of a green or
socialist utopia. In their lives they need solutions. The task for
republicans is to make our solutions at community level integral to our
This is the debate that republicanism must engage with itself. Our
identity should be sourced in the radicalism of our message and not in a
set of insipid initials. Through genuine comradeship and professionalism
we must create a radical policy platform that propels the core
republican message into modernity.
As Bobby Sands said, everybody has their part to play and this is no
less true for this necessary project. This policy platform cannot and
will not be developed by some backroom committee. The democratisation of
the Republican Movement is essential to its future progress.
Republicanism is not a spectator sport. It needs everyone to play its
part and to do so in unison with our fellow republicans, socialists and
social activists. The simple dynamic of allowing the better argument to
democratically prevail will serve us well. We have nothing to be afraid
of open and honest debate. We won’t have all the answers nor do we need
This process has begun. The door is open. You are invited to step
Posted by Jim on
A large crowd turned out in tribute to the H-Block Martyrs of 1981 when
the 1916 Societies held their annual National Hungerstrike Commemoration
on Sunday last, October 2nd, in Galbally, County Tyrone.
Thousands travelled from across Ireland travelled to the republican
heartland, where a march and commemoration to the graveside of Volunteer
Martin Hurson was held for the ten men who laid down their lives on the
1981 hungerstrike, for their fellow prisoners, their ‘Five Demands’ and
ultimately for Irish freedom.
Local republican Noel McKeown chaired proceedings, which opened with a
song in memory of the hungerstrikers and a reading of the 1916
Proclamation in Irish.
Wreaths in memory of the hungerstrikers were then laid on the grave of
Martin Hurson, with Joe McNulty from Dungannon, who shared a cell with
Martin during the Blanket Protest, laying a wreath on behalf of ‘Friends
Tommy McKearney, a former Blanketman who himself endured the horrors of
H-Block and spent 55 days on hungerstrike in 1980, gave the main
oration, speaking of a need for republicans to challenge modern
imperialism, which continues to blight Irish society not only in the
north but across all of Ireland’s 32 counties.
Describing the Stormont Assembly as ‘a symptom of British imperialism’,
with the ‘shoneen parliament’ in the south ‘which trades on Ireland’s
sovereignty for its own narrow purposes’, he appealed for republicans to
‘take inspiration from the hungerstrikers and their legacy, which
continues to show for all the nobility of our cause – a cause we must
see through to the end’.
He told those gathered to “rally the forces” against British
Branding Stormont a “venial, futile, powerless institution”, he also hit
out at the Dublin parliament, which he said was “devoid of character”
and “trading on the sovereignty of its people”. In an attack on Sinn
Fein he told the men, women and children gathered that republicanism is
a cause “that stands above and beyond the selfish pursuit of self
aggrandisement”, adding that a “genuine republican” would “give what
they have without concern for personal safety, personal advancement or
“We are challenged to find the unity of purpose and bring together the
currents, forces and streams of people,” he added.
“We must rally the forces and rally the people that will break the
chains that bind us. We can do it and we will do it. We have the ability
and let there be no doubt this can be done.
“And where there is doubt let us draw inspiration from those not only
buried in this graveyard but the living who stand among and beside us
here today – you the republican people of Ireland, who have stood
fearlessly in the face of opposition and remain determined to accomplish
the Irish Republic for which so many gave of their lives, among them
Martin Hurson and his comrades who died on the hungerstrike.”
Posted by Jim on
An Orange Order parade which was forced through the Ardoyne area of
north Belfast last weekend has reopened the north’s biggest parading
A senior Orangeman has hailed what he said was the “resolution” of the
Ardoyne parade standoff. He said it could offer fresh hope for a similar
deal over the Portadown parade, for years the cause of intense riots and
linked to a number of sectarian murders of Catholics.
Last Saturday morning, one of the north’s most contentious parades took
place amid a huge policing operation as the PSNI forced the
anti-Catholic Orange Order through a nationalist and republican
community in north Belfast.
Orangemen hailed the march as a victory for their three-year
intimidatory protest at nearby Twaddell Avenue, where there had been
frequent disturbances and occasional violence. The illegal three-year
camp had been maintain on government property by the paramilitary UVF,
but has now been removed.
Orangemen now believe a precedent has been set for a ‘return’ parade
along the nationalist Garvaghy Road in Portadown, 18 years after the
Parades Commission decided to ban it.
“It was great to see our brethren in north Belfast finally getting back
home at the weekend,” said Darryl Hewitt, Portadown District Grand
Master. “We are of course still looking to finish our return parade from
1998, but it will take a lot of goodwill on both sides before that can
happen. However, we have seen it happen at Ardoyne, so who knows.”
In a statement, the nationalist Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition said
they would reject any attempt by Sinn Fein to broker a similar agreement
in Portadown, and said renewed parade protests at Drumcree would be
“Since 1998, and particularly from the start of this millennium, the
rerouting of contentious marches away from the Garvaghy Road by the
Parades Commission has meant that our community – and the wider
community – has enjoyed successive peaceful summers,” they said in a
“Demanding to complete the 1998 parade is not only completely absurd, it
is also highly insensitive and demonstrates a continued refusal by the
Orange Order to assume any responsibility for the violent events
associated with Drumcree in the 1990’s.”
In nationalist north Belfast, while Orangemen celebrated, there was
anger that loyalist intimidation at the protest camp had been rewarded.
Although there was some relief that the loyalist camp was being taken
down, there was strong criticism for Sinn Fein’s support for an
agreement which saw them no longer oppose sectarian parades through
As he made his way once the parade had passed, local priest Fr Gary
Donegan was loudly condemned by members of the Greater Ardoyne Residents
Fr Donegan, who controversially replaced the more activist local priest
Fr Aidan Troy in 2008 and had prominently supported the Orange parade,
was greeted by residents with chants of “shame” and angry
In an unrelated incident at the same location, a local journalist also
became embroiled in a verbal dispute with a local man. The exchanges
were caught on video and condemned in the mainstream media as an example
of the “thuggery” of the GARC, which it described as a “dissident”
SDLP Assembly member Nichola Mallon described the scenes as “vile and
frightening”, while Sinn Fein’s Gerry Mr Kelly said it was a “disgrace”
that GARC members had barracked Fr Donegan, “the same man was up every
night for the last two-and-a-half years in the area trying to make sure
that no more of our young people would get caught up and enter the
criminal justice system.”
Kelly praised the local Crumlin and Ardoyne Residents Association for
their support for for the Orange Order march, and said it heralded a new
era for Ardoyne. “Now we have the potential to move forward. I want this
to open up many more good relationships,” he said.
There was inevitable triumphalism for the Orange Order. “It was a very
good weekend not just for the Orange institution, but the community in
Belfast,” said Rev Mervyn Gibson said the Assistant Grand Master. He
credited the loyalist protest with the breakthrough. “I think if you
hadn’t had the protest camp you wouldn’t have got the agreement, because
it would have been forgot about,” he said.
Posted by Jim on
British Prime Minister Theresa May has drawn comparisons to Margaret
Thatcher after she outright rejected Irish and Scottish concerns over
Brexit and moved to quash the right of Irish and other EU citizens to
live and work in Britain and the north of Ireland.
Signalling an unbending line in negotiations with the European Union,
she said the Brexit referendum in favour of leaving the EU was a
rejection, not just of the EU, but of the entire social and economic
In a hard-right speech to her party’s conference in Birmingham last
weekend, she came out strongly in favour of the Brexit vote, which she
said was a vote not just to change Britain’s relationship with the EU,
but “a change in the way our country works – and the people for whom it
works – forever.”
In June, England and Wales voted in the referendum to quit the EU, while
the Six Counties of Ireland under British rule, and Scotland, voted to
May this week set a deadline of the end of March for triggering Article
50, to irreversibly begin the British exit from the EU. She also
declared that there would be no possibility for any of the “four
nations” — with the Six Counties implicitly identified as one ‘nation’
of the four — to prevent it.
“There is no opt-out from Brexit. And I will never allow divisive
nationalists to undermine the precious union between the four nations of
our United Kingdom,” she declared, without irony.
Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn said she was “fanning the flames of
xenophobia and hatred in our communities and trying to blame foreigners”
for her party’s own failures. Scotland’s Nicola Sturgeon said May’s
speech and the policies she laid out were “the most disgraceful display
of reactionary rightwing politics in living memory”.
Opposition parties also said the Conservatives had shown themselves to
be racist and narrow-minded by calling for companies to make public the
names of non-British workers they employ, including Irish workers. And
for the first time ever, there are now questions over the immigration
status of Irish citizens living and working in the north of Ireland.
But Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, welcomed the “clear
timetable” for Britain’s exit from the union.
“I do think we need to get on with it now,” he said. “Further
uncertainty and a further period where people don’t know what’s going to
happen, where there isn’t a negotiating process that people can focus
on, doesn’t help anyone. I think it’s good that we’ve got now a clear
timescale to move this forward.”
Ireland’s leading expert on Brexit warned Britain’s new hardline stance
on exiting the EU could bring a remilitarisation of the border between
the Six and 26 Counties.
“My worst fears have been realised. It is somewhat staggering what they
are doing in the UK,” said Edgar Morgenroth, a research professor and an
adviser to the Dublin government on Brexit.
“This hard Brexit line by London potentially imperils the Common Travel
Area. The British can decide to allow Irish people to travel to the UK.
They can do what they want. But we can’t reciprocate under the EU
Any decisions on new policy with Britain will be taken collectively by
Ireland with the other remaining EU countries, he noted. He said he
believed a “soft border” is likely now out of reach because it is
incompatible with May’s plans.
“There is a lot of deviousness happening in their public statements from
the British side, saying that we want to maintain a soft border and then
doing the opposite. It is not consistent. They are trying to portray the
situation in a different way than it really is,” he said.
The Dublin government has announced that it is setting up a civic
dialogue to be held in Dublin, on November 2nd. It will involve
political parties, business groups and non-governmental organisations
from both parts of the Ireland, although the DUP has said it will
This week, the High Court in Belfast heard evidence that Brexit will
have a “catastrophic” impact on the peace process in the north of
Ireland. Lawyers for the father of a loyalist paramilitary murder victim
warned Brexit would cause constitutional upheaval and demands for a
Referring to the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, Ronan Lavery QC
said: “A change so profound as withdrawing Northern Ireland from the
European Union requires the consent of the people of Northern Ireland.”
Sinn Fein is one of the parties to the legal challenge. It is also
organising protests at Brexit in border areas, from Derry to North
Louth, as part of the ‘Border Communities against Brexit’ umbrella
Martin McGuinness, Sinn Fein’s deputy first minister for the Six
Counties, said Britain was facing a “head-on collision” with the EU over
Brexit, and suggested the north of Ireland was likely to be “collateral
damage”. He predicted that the London government’s demands in
negotiations with Europe would not be met, making it less likely that
Brussels will let the open border remain.
“We have all been concerned for some time at the direction the
government is going to take,” he said. “It is very disturbing.”
Posted by Jim on
Victimsâ rights campaigner Raymond McCord, who is challenging
the constitutional authority of the British government to take
Northern Ireland out of the European Union.
File photograph: Matt Kavanagh/The Irish Times
Gerry Moriarty. (Belfast). Thursday, October, 2016
Executing Brexit would be an âact of profound legal and constitutional as well as political significanceâ for Northern Ireland, Belfast High Court was told on Thursday.
In the final day of the three day judicial review, a lawyer challenged the argument made by lawyers for the British government and the Northern Executive that quitting the European Union would have no impact on the 1998 Belfast Agreement.
David Scoffield, QC, who is representing a group of politicians and human rights groups, said that the âNorth-South machineryâ of the agreement was âdesigned and required to implement EU policies and programsâ.
That would make âno senseâ if Northern Ireland was no longer a member of the EU, said Mr. Scoffield. In winding up his argument, Mr. Scoffield said that the triggering of Article 50 by the British government to begin taking the United Kingdom out of Europe would be an âact of profound legal and constitutional as well as political significance.â
Mr. Scoffield referred to how Tony McGleenan, QC, acting for the British government, had argued that after the EU referendum result, the âship had sailedâ in terms of Brexit. Mr. Scoffield said, however, the ship âhas not sailedâ until Article 50 was triggered.
He contended that it was for the Westminster parliament, rather than the British prime minister by ministerial prerogative power, to activate Article 50 as is scheduled to happen by the end of March next year. âArticle 50 once it is triggered, there is no way back as far as Northern Ireland is concerned,â he said.
Mr. Scoffield is representing a cross-political, cross-community group that includes the SDLP and Alliance leaders, Colum Eastwood and David Ford, former Sinn FeÌin Minister John OâDowd, Greens Assembly member Steven Agnew, former Progressive Unionist
Party leader Dawn Purvis, the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) and the Human Rights Consortium.
âMake position knownâ
Mr Scoffield also contended that the Northern Ireland Office and the Northern Secretary James Brokenshire <http://www.irishtimes.com/search/search-7.1213540?tag_person=James%20Brokenshire&article=true> must speak to the interests of Northern Ireland. âThe Northern Ireland Office must take a position on whether Brexit is good or bad for Northern Ireland and make its position known to the Westminster government,â said Mr Scofffield.
He added that Mr Brokenshireâs role âwas to speak for Northern Irelandâs interests and to do so he must be properly informedâ.
A number of legal challenges to the Brexit vote are also taking place in Britain. These could be relevant to the ultimate determination of High Court <http://www.irishtimes.com/search/search-7.1213540?tag_organisation=High%20Court&article=true> judge Mr Justice Maguire <http://www.irishtimes.com/search/search-7.1213540?tag_person=Mr%20Justice%20Maguire&article=true> who is hearing the case. He said the court was likely to reconvene at a later stage.
Good Friday Agreement
Victimsâ campaigner Raymond McCord, whose son Raymond junior was murdered by the Ulster Volunteer Force <http://www.irishtimes.com/search/search-7.1213540?tag_organisation=Ulster%20Volunteer%20Force&article=true> in 1997, is also a party to the judicial review.
His lawyer Ronan Lavery <http://www.irishtimes.com/search/search-7.1213540?tag_person=Ronan%20Lavery&article=true>, QC, argued that as a result of the Belfast Agreement, Northern Ireland has special constitutional status within the United Kingdom.
He said that when the British and Irish governments endorsed the Belfast Agreement of Good Friday 1998 they signed up to the people of Northern Ireland having a âvetoâ over any change to the constitutional position of Northern Ireland.
Taking Northern Ireland out of the EU without consent would breach that veto, he contended.
Outside the court on Thursday, Mr McCord said he was âdelightedâ with the way his case had proceeded and he believed his legal team had presented a strong constitutional case.
âI believe the court has the power to say that Brexit canât go ahead in Northern Ireland,â he said.
Mr McCord said that 56 per cent of people in Northern Ireland voted to remain in the EU and that vote must be respected. He took his case on behalf of his son and on behalf of other victims, he said.
âI think justice is better served by being in the European Union. Europe has helped victims of this country and has helped people to come together as well,â he added. âI donât believe the British government would help victims the way Europe has.â
Posted by Jim on October 7, 2016
Posted by Jim on October 6, 2016
“Finally, don’t forget no DUP politician has ever endorsed sharing power with nationalists or republicans, or ‘rogues and renegades’ as Arlene Foster blurted out. She’s photographed last week with a caption describing the men alongside her as members of the UDA, an illegal organisation that preys on the Unionist community but only shares power with Sinn Féin because she must. Some of her MLAs still won’t speak to Sinn Féin MLAs. Does she encourage them to show some reconciliation? What do you think?”
Brian Feeney (Belfast). Wednesday, October 5, 2016
A writer in the Irish Times on Saturday produced a useful phrase the Dutch have: plaatsvervangende schaamte. It translates as, the shame you feel on behalf of others. You have to feel it because the people who should be ashamed have no shame.
Unfortunately it’s a phrase that doesn’t apply to many Unionists.
Is there no Unionist who is ashamed of what their politicians get up to, or in some cases fail to get up to? There’s no doubt last week’s revelation that a DUP minister changed a boat’s name from Irish to English made some unionists cringe but none of them will say so publicly. Gerry Kelly was spot on. As he said, ‘it is downright bigotry and anti-Irish’.
Most people dismissed it as petty and vindictive but it’s more than that. It betrays a particular mindset which should be out of place nowadays but despite all the talk of reconciliation and a shared society that attitude of mind is widespread among Unionists. No Unionist stepped forward to deplore the obliteration of an Irish name. What made that failure even worse were the spurious excuses and explanations presented. That an Irish name somehow contravened health and safety, that it contravened naval and mercantile regulations. Those inventions showed even DUP apologists knew the real reason for the decision was indefensible so they concocted false reasons.
People complain the phrase ‘Unionist leader’ is an oxymoron. For DUP MLA readers that means the two words contradict each other for Unionists never show any leadership. There’s a major flaw in that complaint because it assumes if they were showing leadership they’d do the right thing. The fact is that Unionists do show leadership, and a DUP minister expunging an Irish name shows the way to party blockheads— in the decreasing number of Unionist controlled councils —that it’s okay to denigrate the Irish language, music, games, literature.
Few in Unionist positions of leadership ever step in to condemn bigotry or naked anti-Irishness for the simple reason some of them agree with it. They don’t know how to defend it because it’s unacceptable in a civilised society, so they device cock-eyed reasons for their actions so preposterous that their followers know they’re specious. They do it because they can get away with it.
The same behaviour applies to the now dismantled squalor at Twaddell. The media agree that no Unionist politician could be seen on Friday or Saturday, as the Orangemen began their last forlorn march up the Crumlin Road. However when the camp was being established there were plenty of Unionist politicians to be seen egging on the dupes in their caravan, standing on a platform as usual with known members of the UVF and UDA. Unionists agreed with the protesters.
The absence of Unionist politicians at the weekend is an indication to the hardliners that no Unionist politician supported the compromise that led to the agreement. Afterwards some appeared to express approval but no one can accuse any of them of complicity when it emerges there’ll be no more return marches.
Finally, don’t forget no DUP politician has ever endorsed sharing power with nationalists or republicans, or ‘rogues and renegades’ as Arlene Foster blurted out. She’s photographed last week with a caption describing the men alongside her as members of the UDA, an illegal organisation that preys on the Unionist community but only shares power with Sinn Féin because she must. Some of her MLAs still won’t speak to Sinn Féin MLAs. Does she encourage them to show some reconciliation? What do you think?
Will Arlene Foster tell her minister to stop disgracing the party by painting out Irish words? Are you kidding? Will she instruct bonehead councillors to show respect for diversity because it could rebound on Unionists in Republican dominated councils? No chance.
The DUP is opposed to the concept of diversity. The party never endorsed the Good Friday Agreement or any of its concepts. They oppose its concepts shamelessly. How do we know? Actions speak louder than words. See Matthew 7:16. By their fruits you will know them. Do you gather grapes from thorns or figs from thistles?
Posted by Jim on October 4, 2016
Tony Taylor was released from prison in 2014 after having served three years in custody, with four further years on Licence. Tony, as a member of the Republican Network for Unity, contributed to local politics in Derry by peacefully raising benefit cuts, prison conditions and policing issues. Tony complied with the terms of his licence, including reporting his activities to the NI Probation Board.
Tony was detained by police in Derry on October 17, 2015 and interviewed over two days at Musgrave Street Station about alleged republican activity based on MI5 “Intelligence”. He was unconditionally released pending a report to the PPS.
On 10th March 2016 Tony, while out shopping with his wife and children, was taken by the PSNI and returned to Prison. The Northern Ireland Office said his licence was revoked by the Parole Commission because of the risk he posed to the public. Tony’s solicitor, Aiden Carlin, has confirmed that this “risk to the public” was based on an MI5 assessment, and the same “Republican Activity” for which Tony was questioned and unconditionally released in October 2015.
Three weeks after Tony was returned to prison the Secretary of State admitted that her original order revoking his licence had been illegal. The recommendation to return Tony to prison had been made without even contacting the Probation Board. Tony remained in prison.
In July the P.P.S. concluded its examination of the file on his arrest and questioning in October 2015, and directed that Tony would not face prosecution.
Tony Taylor remains in prison for the same reasons of a “risk to the public” for which he has been:
Detained and questioned for two days in October 2015
Unconditionally released by the PSNI
Told by the P.P.S there will be no prosecution.
Posted by Jim on October 1, 2016
An Orange Order parade was forced through the greater Ardoyne area in
north Belfast this Saturday morning amid a military-style policing
operation and a bitter war of words among nationalists.
PSNI armoured vehicles had lined the route from early this morning and
helicopters hovered overhead as the massive security operation swung
Loyalists cheered as hundreds of Orangemen made their way up the Crumlin
Road, parading through the nationalist communities of Ardoyne,
Mountainview and the Dales. A protest against the parade by the Greater
Ardoyne Residents Collective (GARC) was limited to 60 participants by
the Parades Commission.
GARC spokesperson Damien ‘Dee’ Fennell said that the provocative Orange
march had been “resurrected” by a deal between Sinn Fein and the
loyalist paramilitary UVF. He said the it was something that “the people
of this area thought was dead and gone”, and denied claims by Sinn Fein
that it had local support.
The agreement between the Sinn Fein-supported Crumlin Ardoyne Residents’
Association (CARA) and three Orange lodges has deeply divided the
community. GARC has claimed that 85% of residents are opposed to all
Orange marches, and have accused Sinn Fein of “trampling over the rights
“If there is widespread community support for this deal, then why is all
this security needed?” Mr Fennell asked.
After three years of intimidation, this morning’s ‘return’ parade should
see the final removal of the long-running campsite operated by loyalists
at the Twaddell interface. The agreement also sees a “moratorium” placed
on future return Twelfth parades in the area, in return for Sinn Fein’s
support for outward parades.
Last night, a march and rally by nationalist residents brought several
hundred onto the streets in a demonstration of support for GARC. Sinn
Fein and clergymen had urged local residents to stay home and to support
their agreement to allow the sectarian parade through.
GARC’s protest went ahead despite false reports and messages online that
it had been cancelled. Mr Fennell said there had been a ‘dirty tricks’
operation, but that it had “failed miserably”.
“Not only have we proven a point that we can demonstrate peacefully as
we always have done,” he said. “We’ve also proven that there is
overwhelming support for GARC analysis and rejection by the the vast
majority of residents for SF/UVF deal.”
Last night saw another heavy deployment of PSNI as the protest march and
rally made its through the nationalist community. Protesters marched
through Ardoyne before finally reaching PSNI lines at the Estoril Park
and Balholm Drive where a short rally was held before dispersing.
Mr Fennell said: “Hundreds of residents turning out here tonight to
reject that deal to protest against the continuation of ongoing parades
dispels the myth put forward by Sinn Fein, the clergy and their friends
within the state establishment that GARC has no support in this area”.
“GARC came out tonight peacefully and radically to display the
opposition that exists to sectarian parades and this deal,” he said.
He also blasted restrictions placed on last night’s protest march by the
Parades Commission as a “disgrace”.
“We have 250 loyalists parading through this area with the blessing of
Sinn Fein,” he said. “And we’ve had several hundred residents restricted
from part of their own area. After lobbying by Sinn Fein. I think it’s a
disgrace and as the [previous] speaker put it, I think Sinn Fein has
been bought by British gold.”
In response, Sinn Fein’s Gerry Kelly accused GARC of “provoking
“There are many genuine people who are exercised about the issue of
Orange parades,” he said. “But there are also people associated with
GARC who don’t want a resolution to parading and who are associated with
anti-peace process political parties.
“It is Sinn Fein’s view we need less evening parades, not more. Our
community does not need any more of our young people ending up in prison
as happened following a similar parade some years ago.
“Sinn Fein believes the agreement is a huge step forward. It represents
the best opportunity to resolve an issue once and for all, which has
plagued this community over many, many years.”
In a statement issued in return, GARC said several of its members had
received criminal records after Mr Kelly publicly called on people to
demonstrate against Orange marches from the mid-90s onwards.
‘Where is Kelly’s call for Loyal Orders to withdraw their continued
demands to march through this area?,” they asked.
“Sinn Fein are all over the place on this issue. It seems their hatred
of anyone seeking to go against their appeasement policy is clouding
their judgement regarding who is really responsible for the ongoing
problem of unwanted sectarian parades – The Loyal Orders.”
Posted by Jim on
On Monday, September 26 at FedEx Annual Shareholders’ Meeting in its national headquarters, Memphis, TN., the company was asked to sign and implement the Holy Land Principles.
The Holy Land Principles — an 8-point corporate code of conduct for American companies doing business in Palestine/Israel— are pro-Jewish, pro-Palestinian and pro-company. The Principles do not call for quotas, reverse discrimination, disinvestment/divestment or boycotts—only for fair employment by American companies. The Principles are based on the very effective Mac Bride Principles, which have powerfully advanced fair employment for Catholics in Northern Ireland. Please visit HolyLandPrinciples.org for more information. In particular, view the Animated Internet Video, which presents the issue in a very compelling way. It is the big existential question for American companies in the Holy Land that no longer can be ignored.
Fr. Sean Mc Manus— President of the Capitol Hill-based Holy Land Principles. Inc. and Irish National Caucus— said: “Shareholder resolutions, as we’ve come to know them, sprouted in 1972 and, since then, they have become almost compulsory for the Socially Responsible Investing (SRI) community, for faith-based justice and peace communities and for all those concerned with Environment, Social and Governance (ESG) issues. We say our only modest claim is that Holy Land Principles are filling a vacuum that was crying out to be filled. FedEx proves our claim. It was founded in 1971, yet September 26 was the very first time a resolution was presented regarding their fair employment in Palestine/Israel. How extraordinary is that. Talk about the elephant in the (board) room!”
Fr. Manus continued: “But FedEx is not the only case. Indeed, that was par for the course with all the American companies doing business in the Israel/Palestine. Until we launched the Holy Land Principles on International Human Rights Day, December 10, 2012, none of the 545 American companies doing business there had ever been confronted with the issue of their fair employment. (Oxygen Biotherapeutics, now called Tenax Therapeutics has signed the Holy Land Principles on February 1, 2013).
The Resolution on FedEx received over 4 Million votes, 4,423,358 (2.63%) with 41,937,491 abstentions. At close of business on September 27th, the value of FedEx shares was $177.30. So the value of the share votes for Holy Land Principles represents $784,261,373.40. The value of abstentions was $7,435,517,154.30. Therefore, the combined total of money not supporting FedEx was over $8 Billon ($8,219,778,527.70) and, therefore, a total of 46,360,849 votes not supporting FedEx.
Fr. Mc Manus concluded: “Of course, the vote for the Holy Land Principles would have been much larger had this issue not been so flagrantly and disgracefully ignored by the American media over all these years, and neglected, too, by the American public— consumers, stakeholders and shareholders, especially the faith-based and SRI communities.”
Next year Holy Land Principles, Inc. will file a Resolution calling on FedEx to disclose the breakdown of its workforce, using the nine job categories which are utilized in the U.S. Department of Labor’s EEO -1 Report (Equal Employment Opportunity): 1. Officials and managers; 2. Professionals; 3. Technicians; 4. Sales; 5. Office and clerical; 6. Craft Workers (skilled); 7. Operatives (semiskilled); 8. Laborers (unskilled); 9. Service workers.”
Posted by Jim on September 26, 2016
Investigative journalist and author, Ian Cobain, has published a new
book examining Britain’s record of covert government actions and
cover-ups. Included in “The History Thieves: Secrets, Lies and the
Shaping of a Modern Nation” are accounts of Britain’s colonial wars in
the 1960s and ’70s, the rise of mass surveillance, and a chapter
dealing with Britain’s dirty war in Ireland. The following is an
“On the evening of Monday 8 January 1990, a group of British detectives
decided that they had done enough for one day. It was getting late now,
and some of the officers had been working for thirteen hours on a
complex and politically fraught investigation that was being conducted
against a backdrop of escalating violence.
Northern Ireland’s savage little war had just entered its twenty-second
year. Eighty-nine people had died the previous year. One, Pat Finucane,
a lawyer, had been shot fourteen times after gunmen used sledgehammers
to smash down his front door while he was having Sunday dinner with his
wife and three children. Another was Loughlin Maginn, a father of four
who was shot dead at his home in a village south of Belfast. It was the
circumstances surrounding these murders, along with a string of others,
that the police team led by John Stevens were investigating. At just
past 9 p.m. they flicked off the lights of their incident room, locked
up, and left the building.
The facility from which they were working was no ordinary police
station. It was located beyond the chain-link fences, the razor wire and
the CCTV that protected a seventeen-acre complex that the Royal Ulster
Constabulary (RUC) operated on the outskirts of Carrickfergus, a coastal
town twelve miles north of Belfast. Known as Seapark, the complex was
home to forensic science laboratories, exhibit stores, a suite of
offices and no end of confidential archives. It was one of the most
secure policing facilities anywhere in the world.
Twenty minutes later, four members of Stevens’ team who had been
conducting inquiries elsewhere arrived back at the incident room,
intending to lock some paperwork away for the night.
First they smelt the smoke. Then they saw the flames. The entire
incident room was ablaze and they rushed to raise the alarm. Sarah
Bynum, one of the detective constables, later recalled: ‘There were a
number of fire alarm points in the building and I went to one and I
smashed it with the heel of my shoe and nothing happened. I ran down to
another one and smashed that and again nothing happened.’
A heat-sensitive intruder alarm had also failed. Bynum raced to the
guardhouse at the entrance to the complex, where an armed officer from
the RUC was on duty. ‘My first word to him was to call for the fire
brigade and he replied that the phones were down. I then told him to get
on his radio to call for help and his reaction was one of almost
disinterest, of: “Well what do you expect me to do about it?”‘ By the
time the fire was eventually extinguished, the team’s desktop computers
had melted into pools of metal and plastic; steel filing cabinets had
buckled, and the documents inside had incinerated.
Whoever started the fire clearly intended to destroy every scrap of
documentary evidence that the police team had gathered.
The immediate suspects were not members of one of Northern Ireland’s
paramilitary groups, however, but British soldiers. Stevens and his team
were convinced that the arsonists were from the Force Research Unit – a
shadowy British Army Intelligence Corps body known as ‘the FRU’ that
worked closely with MI5 and Special Branch, the intelligence wing of the
RUC. They also suspected that detectives from Special Branch had helped
the FRU to slip into the high-security complex and break into their
This of course was just one of many incidences throughout the Long War
when the documented records of the British authorities in the north-east
of Ireland, civil, military and paramilitary, were “accidentally” or
deliberately destroyed, or simply went missing. Invariably these losses
coincided with research being carried out by third parties from the
United Kingdom or in the wake of some notable atrocity.
Of further interest to Irish readers will be Cobain’s detailed
examination of the activities of Brian Nelson, the Abu Musab al-Zarqawi
of UK terrorism in Ireland. The former British soldier from Belfast
began his murderous career by taking a blowtorch to a young, disabled
Irishman named Gerald Higgins, proceeding to torture him to near-death
in 1974 (he succumbed to his injuries several weeks later). At the time
Nelson was a member of the UDA-UFF, a militant pro-Britain or “loyalist”
faction, while also serving as an agent for the Royal Ulster
Constabulary (RUC), the UK’s regional paramilitary police force. In 1985
he was recruited by the British Army’s Intelligence Corps (IntCorps)
while temporarily living in Germany.
Returning to the Six Counties and the UDA-UFF, the Belfast man led a
reign of terror against the Irish nationalist community the likes of
which had not been seen since the late 1960s and early ’70s. Under the
direction of the counter-insurgency strategists of the RUC, IntCorps and
MI5, the Security Service in London, the agent transformed the
“loyalist” gangs into a body of organised death squads spreading murder
and mayhem across the north-east of the country. Answering to his
immediate superiors in the infamous Force Research Unit (FRU), one of
the many acronyms making up the British intelligence agencies, he became
the United Kingdom’s most effective weapon in its war with the
(Provisional) Irish Republican Army and the population supporting it.
“Soon he was appointed as the intelligence officer for the UDA in west
Belfast, playing a central role in selecting and locating targets for
assassination. Although he occasionally kept this information to
himself, Nelson would frequently pass details of these planned murders
to the FRU.
In June 1985, Nelson embarked upon the most extraordinary operation of
his undercover Army career. The UDA’s leadership asked him to help
arrange a deal with Armscor, apartheid South Africa’s arms corporation.
A unionist from Armagh who had emigrated to Durban and was working for
the company had been identified as a possible source of weaponry, and
Nelson was asked to meet this man. The FRU not only encouraged him to do
this, it paid for his airline tickets to South Africa and met his hotel
bills. One of Nelson’s FRU handlers, a man whom he knew as Ronnie, had
told him: ‘You’ve really hit the big time here Brian.’ While some have
claimed the FRU sponsored this arms-trafficking enterprise in order to
intercept the weapons and prevent them from falling into loyalist
paramilitaries’ hands, others suspect that the FRU, and some of their
political masters, were determined to help arm Ulster’s loyalists.
In Durban, Nelson examined a number of weapons, and was particularly
taken with an automatic shotgun called the Striker which ‘could be used
to devastating effect . . . in close-quarter combat’. Armscor made it
clear that it would accept a cash sale, but also wanted to know whether
the UDA could provide it with one of the latest generation of
ground-to-air missiles that were under development at Shorts, an
aircraft and armaments factory in east Belfast.
Armscor provided weapons to loyalist paramilitaries in a trafficking
operation that was financed by a #325,000 robbery from a bank in
Portadown, thirty miles south-west of Belfast. The corporation’s
European agent, an American called Douglas Bernhardt, had learned that a
large cache of arms held by a Lebanese militia in Beirut had come onto
the market. Bernhardt arranged for the arms to be loaded into a
container, which was shipped to Belfast via Liverpool, accompanied with
bills of lading and notes of origin that indicated it held ceramic floor
The weapons arrived at Belfast docks in late December, and were smuggled
into the country undetected. Early the following month, at a farmhouse
in County Armagh, the arsenal was divided three ways between the UDA,
the UVF and a third loyalist paramilitary group, Ulster Resistance. The
UDA lost its entire portion within minutes: its share of about 100
weapons was loaded into two hire cars, which were stopped and seized at
a nearby police roadblock. Some of the UVF’s weapons were also recovered
over coming weeks, but most remained in the group’s hands, and
transformed the loyalists’ firepower over the years that followed. The
portion that went to Ulster Resistance was never captured, however. Nor
were these weapons decommissioned during the peace process: they remain
…the consequence was that loyalists’ access to high-calibre weapons –
and their ability to slaughter both republicans and uninvolved Catholics
– changed immediately. In the six years prior to the importation of the
South African weapons, from January 1982 to December 1987, loyalists
killed seventy-one people. In the seven years afterwards, from January
1988 to 1 September 1994, loyalists killed 229 people.”
The British state in the north of Ireland, civil and military, put guns
and explosives into the hands of British terrorists one with purpose and
one purpose only: to kill as many Irish men, women and children as
possible. That it did so in the forlorn hope of achieving some sort of
militarily victory over the Irish Republican Army is no excuse. As Niall
Stanage, an editor with the US politics’ site, The Hill, wrote way back
“The British state has been conspiring to murder its own citizens in
That is the only credible conclusion that can be drawn from the evidence
that has seeped slowly into the public domain over the past decade. It
now seems clear that members of the security forces, acting in cahoots
with loyalist paramilitaries, have facilitated sectarian and political
Nationalists in Northern Ireland are being told what they have always
known – that the police and army have been actively working against
them. From their perspective, the chief surprise is that a false image
of Northern Ireland’s political landscape – in which impartial security
forces have held the line against “mindless terrorists”, “gangsters” and
“psychopaths” – has endured for so long.”
Posted by Jim on
Families of victims of state killings have announced that they will be
suing the British government, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein’s
Martin McGuinness as the London and Belfast regimes again stonewalled
their demands for legacy inquests.
The move followed a walk out from a meeting on Monday with the new
British governor in Ireland, James Brokenshire, of the families of
eleven people killed in the 1971 Ballymurphy Massacre. Brokenshire
claimed the British government could not afford the costs of holding the
About fifty inquests are pending but stalled. They relate to almost a
hundred deaths, some of them going back four decades.
The next day, they gathered with other families at Stormont to protest
against the failure of the British government to comply with its
international human rights obligations with respect to legacy inquests,
and hand-delivered notice of their legal challenge to the offices of new
British Secretary of State. Similar letters were also delivered to the
offices of Stormont’s First Minister Arlene Foster, Deputy First
Minister Martin McGuinness, and to the Six County Department of Justice.
“How many more secretaries of state do families have to meet before they
get justice for their loved ones?” the Ballymurphy Families group group
said in a statement following their dramatic walkout.
It was their first meeting since Brokenshire became the Secretary of
State and families were hopeful that he would advance their inquests.
They gave an emotional account of what happened to their loved ones in
August 1971 after which they asked him directly to intervene and provide
funding and resources to allow their inquests to resume.
However, Brokenshire, like his predecessors, simply referred the matter
back to the Stormont Executive, and denied the British government was
responsible. The families were so angered by his intransigence the
walked out, ending the meeting after 45 minutes.”
Speaking afterward, the group’s spokesman, John Teggart, whose father
was among ten people shot dead in August 1971, said that the families
were disgusted by the minister’s attitude.
“It was a terrible meeting,” he said. “James Brokenshire refused to
answer many of our questions and it was just going round and round in
“It was just the same old, same old. The families poured their hearts
out about what had happened to their late relatives and were basically
pleading for him to release the funding, but it was going nowhere.
“We explained that there is a wide range of families waiting for these
inquests and the inquests don’t need litigation. Lord Justice Weir said
in January our inquest is ready to and can be started within the year.
Mr Teggart pointed an accusing finger at the Democratic Unionist Party
as “representative from the other six parties were at meeting supporting
the families.” He said the DUP was blocking the funding from going
through the Executive.
Briege Voyle, whose mother was Joan Connolly was fatally shot four times
said: “What do we have to do for these people to see sense?
“We need this funding released right away. Campaigners Mary Murphy and
Joe Corr have died in the past few weeks. We need our inquests which
were granted in 2011 started now, not just for us, but for all the
ninety five families. James Brokenshire needs to make that decision
Earlier this month, the North’s most senior judge Sir Declan Morgan
called on political leaders to sort out the contentious funding issue
for legacy inquests.
His request for ten million pounds to fund a five-year programme that
would deal with controversial Troubles’ deaths was blocked by the DUP.
Outstanding inquests into more than 80 deaths that took place during the
30-year conflict have yet to be heard.
SDLP West Belfast MLA, Alex Attwood, said that the British government
seemed to be giving the the DUP a “veto” on a legacy issue.
“Victims and survivors, their grief and their needs, should not be
subject to a shallow veto,” he said. “If the DUP can veto funding for
inquests, they or others could try to do so again and attempt to veto
other proposals to achieve truth, justice and accountability. Where
would we be then? This cannot be allowed to happen.”
Sinn Fein’s legacy spokeswoman Jennifer McCann said the Ballymurphy
families had been “let down”.
“The British government has failed to uphold commitments made in the
Stormont House Agreement on how to deal with the legacy of the
conflict,” she said.
Nichola Baxter, whose cousin Craig McCausland was killed by loyalist
paramilitaries in 2005, said the families were being denied closure.
“I come from a unionist background. We are waiting 11 years for an
inquest and therefore a death certificate, simple things that the law
says we are entitled to as families,” she said.
“There are answers we’re not getting and it’s the same for everybody
here, some people are waiting longer than 11 years and it’s an absolute
Posted by Jim on September 8, 2016
CAPITOL HILL. Thursday, September 8, 2016
Recently released British/Northern Ireland Office (NIO) State Papers have caused considerable interest, and have given further insight into how the British Embassy spied on Irish-Americans.
The Papers were released the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), and cover the period 1980 to 1989. The Papers were released under the “30/20 rule”— the phased release of official documents that were previously secret for 30 years, but are to be released after 20 years.( Google PRONI CAIN for the released Papers).
As always, such released Papers are of intense interest to historians, the media and all those concerned about the history of The Troubles in Northern Ireland. Not, of course, that the full truth is ever revealed by the British Government.
Fr. Sean Mc Manus—President of the Capitol Hill-based Irish National Caucus— whose life-long work always features in such Papers, said : “ This time the Papers are of particular interest for a two-fold reason : (1) they reveal how deeply worried the British Government was about our Mac Bride Principles campaign (which they accurately state is ‘ largely instigated by the Irish National Caucus’; and (2) the Papers reveal how the British Embassy penetrated and spied on Irish-American organizations.
Irish American Unity Conference
One of the released papers, titled “Irish American Unity Conference [IAUC],” consists of a report dated October 10, 1985, by the British Embassy to the Head of the Civil Service in Northern Ireland, Ken Bloomfield. (Yes, the same Mr. Bloomfield, whom another released State Paper exposed as outrageously stating that the Catholics in West Belfast are “ alienated from normal civilized behavior.”). The Paper gives a Report on the IAUC meeting in Philadelphia, August 23-25, 1985, and explains how one of the IAUC Members, Steve Ryan, monitoring the meeting was spying for the British Embassy. The Report lists a number of those present at the meeting, several members of Irish Northern Aid, and others, including Bob Linnon who would become the president of the IAUC(1987-1995), and a Ms. Patricia O’Hagan, Chairperson of the New York IAUC.
The Report exposes, “the IAUC’s … intense rivalry with Fr. Sean Mc Manus and the Irish National Caucus, ” and that “… the meeting revealed a deep hatred of Father Sean Mc Manus among the IAUC elite.” The Report states Ms, O’Hagan, “declared she ‘hated’ McManus.’
When asked to comment, Fr. Mc Manus said: “I have a life-long policy of not responding to personal attacks. But I have to make an exception in this case as it is not really a personal attack but one gloried in, and recorded by the British Embassy. It is sad and pathetic that at the height of the Mac Bride Principles campaign—which I initiated with Sean Mc Bride’s personal consent and which I launched on November 5, 1984— that the Brits could report that another Irish organization was spending its time in attacking me. How absurd and traitorous is that!
I Do Not Take It Personally
Fr. Mc Manus explained: “However, I do not take all that stuff personally. My “feelings” are not hurt because on the Irish issue I don’t do feelings. I do analysis and discernment: because of my life-long experience and background, I can figure out from whence come the constant, systematic attempts to sabotage my work. And it has ALWAYS come, one way or another, from the British Embassy, and, at least in the early years, from the Irish Embassy. Thus it has always been. For example, I follow a rule of thumb, which is also a good religious principle: if one never had a personal confrontation or had personally offended a person, then an attack from such a person can never be “personal.” Something else is always behind it. In all my 44 years in America, and in all my Irish activity, I’ve never had a personal fight or a nasty confrontation with any person on the Irish issue. And even though I have received hundreds of thousands of letters, phone-calls an emails, not one person has ever outlined to me what they disagreed with in my work. And that is because no genuine Irish person could reasonably oppose the main pillars of my life’s work on Irish justice. However, any time anyone contacted me to make individual suggestions as to how I could do my work better, I always listened with great respect and attention. And I will always be eternally grateful for the huge and splendid individual and collective support I’ve received over all these years.”
Ms. Patricia O’Hagan
Fr. Mc Manus continued: “Regarding Ms. O’Hagan: I had never heard of her and I’ve no idea who she is. Therefore, I know her attack was not personal. She was — willingly or unknowingly —used by one of the aforementioned Embassies. It also must not be forgotten that Denis Donaldson, a British Agent was later in the late 90’s placed in charge of the Irish Northern Aid Office in New York City. So for a crucial period, a British Agent was telling members of Irish Northern Aid and other Irish organizations what to believe and what to do. In fairness, it could be said Michael Flannery was probably too old to be held responsible, but the younger New York City Irish Northern Aid leaders and spoke persons, and those in charge of the Irish People newspaper, must surely accept some responsibility and blame. I know if I had placed a British Agent in charge of the office of the Irish National Caucus, I would never hear the end of it, nor should I.”
Fr. Mc Manus concluded: “However, in all of this pathetic stuff, the central issue is: By what right and under what law is the British Embassy — or, indeed, the Irish Embassy— entitled to spy on Americans who are exercising their Constitutional rights? What has the State Department to say about this? What if the Soviet/Russian or China embassies were spying and recruiting spies in the United States, would the State Department be silent?”
Posted by Jim on
J’Ouvert takes place in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, throughout the night before the West Indian Day Parade, held every Labor Day.
“I’m outraged… this is a libel against the Irish community in this town,” lawyer Brian O’Dwyer, Chairman of the Emerald Isle Immigration Center, said.
“There were some hooligans we took care of, but there was never year-after-year of people being killed, shot and stabbed,” O’Dwyer added.
The mayor also compared the festival’s violence to the Puerto Rican Day parade, angering the city’s Puerto Rican community.
“This is disrespectful — this is shameful for him to say that. The Puerto Rican Day Parade has never got a death, killing, bloodshed,” State Senator Ruben Diaz said.
Even his own Police Chief Bill Bratton disagreed with his boss, saying St.Patrick’s and other parades dealt only with “quality of life issues.”
That is true and de Blasio knows it. I don’t know what weed de Blasio was smoking.
Someone forget to tell him that the last shooting or serious violence connected to the St. Patrick’s Day Parade was an IRA hit in 1923 on the informer “Cruxy”O’Connor by Pa Murray of the Cork IRA after “Cruxy” was identified and followed at the parade.
Since then there have been issues with the parade, God knows, but never gun violence. The worst was beer showers and boos for Mayor David Dinkins when he marched with a gay group in 1991.
Why does de Blasio choose to lump in the Irish parade with the murderous events at the J’Ouvert carnival, where two people were shot dead, one a young girl who objected to being fondled by a pervert?
Gangs use J’Ouvert as a time to settle scores, marring the celebration. As in other years, deadly violence broke out.
At 3:45 am on Monday, at Flatbush Avenue and Empire Boulevard in Crown Heights, Tyreke Borel, 17, was shot in the chest. He later died at Kings County Hospital, sources said.
At 4:15 a.m., Tiarah Poyau, 22, was fatally shot in the eye at Washington Avenue and Empire Boulevard, police said.
Poyau’s LinkedIn page showed that she was an international tax intern at PricewaterhouseCoopers and an aspiring accountant. She listed St. John’s University as her undergraduate and graduate school.
These are terrible tragedies and the clear and obvious thing to do is cancel J’Ouvert until the community and police can get their act together. Two deaths in a year when the police presence was higher than ever before is more than enough to warrant this. No one attending is safe, as these two killings make clear.
Instead, de Blasio announces the parade can go on. “I think it was very clear yesterday that we were not including the option of ending something which has gone on for decades and decades,” de Blasio said at a news conference with police officials. “We have to find out a way to make it safer.”
De Blasio’s PC mentality blazer is getting worse the longer he is in office, and he now cannot distinguish fact from political correctness.
There’s a huge difference between ensuring people are not publicly drunk (the main issue with the St. Patrick’s Day parade) and shooting dead two unarmed citizens, as happened in Brooklyn.
De Blasio implies an equivalence that is plain nutty but this mayor is well known for having strange demons to exercise.
He refused to appoint an Irish community liaison, has rarely ever attended an Irish event other than keeping the community waiting until the last moment to announce an Irish community breakfast on St.Patrick’s Day, and arrives incredibly late at St.Patrick’s services.
Saying the St. Patrick’s Day parade has been violent is nonsense.
Indeed, there is marvelous security provided for marchers and the public by the hundreds of volunteers who staff the parade and the police who provide security.
This mayor has shown his tin ear and total contempt for the Irish once again.
Posted by Jim on September 7, 2016
Brian Feeney. Belfast Telegraph. Wednesday, September 7, 2016
Let’s be clear at the outset. Máirtín Ó Muilleoir is quite right to raise the question of EU funds for Peace IV and INTERREG which have produced £1.5 billion and £820 million respectively since the ceasefires in 1994.
Another £500 million are due from these funds in the next four years. Ó Muilleoir’s question is whether the UK Treasury will guarantee that money. So far they have said they will underwrite only any plans signed off before November even if the UK gets out of the EU before the money is paid over.
That kind of money is vitally important for the north because of the jobs it supplies particularly in impoverished districts and also to people affected by the Troubles across the north. It’s pretty obvious as Ó Muilleoir says that if the money is not forthcoming hundreds of jobs will go. Now equally it’s a lot easier to sign off on schemes already planned than to anticipate schemes which might come on stream in the next four years so he’s doing his job to try to nail down the Treasury to meet the British share of money the EU has promised.
You have to wonder why Arlene Foster felt it necessary to step into this area. Her intervention contributed nothing except to get herself on TV. She said she was ‘disappointed’ and that Ó Muilleoir was ‘causing alarm among the business community’. Let’s leave aside the fact that as a successful businessman in his own right the finance minister has a lot more hands-on experience in business than Arlene.
Is this the same Arlene Foster who signed a joint letter with Martin McGuinness on August 10 standing her Leave campaign on its head by registering concern about the north’s access to EU funds and agricultural support? She also signed up to pointing out that the ‘north is uniquely vulnerable to the loss of EU funding’ and ‘recognised the possibility that it cannot be guaranteed that outcomes that suit our common interests are ultimately deliverable’. Hmm.
So it’s OK for Arlene to say it but not Ó Muilleoir? Accused of doing a U-turn by implicitly admitting that advocating Leave vote was a major miscalculation – which it was – she subsequently said a letter from the Treasury in August provided ‘clarity’ in relation to EU funding. It didn’t. It provided what concerns Ó Muilleoir, namely a guarantee that anything sent in before November is OK. After that who knows? Not Arlene. Foster’s sniping raises again a wider matter. She seems to have no concept of sharing power. She seems to regard herself as prime minister able to control other ministers. In reality, by interfering and sniping she diminishes the office of first minister. Engaging in inter-party political banter demonstrates she can’t see the wood for the trees and shows she hasn’t yet learnt the difference between being first minster and an MLA.
If every statement by a Sinn Féin minister or a UUP MLA that annoys her leads her to yield to the irresistible urge to tweet a reply or issue a press statement then she shows no sense of priority let alone gravitas. All her utterances assume equal importance (or unimportance) so no-one can distinguish between what she thinks important enough for the first minister to comment on and what is another cheap trivial shot.
In the end her inability to button her lip reinforces what a report last week for the Centre for Democracy and Peace Building found, that is the executive is so divided with fundamentally different views about how to respond to Brexit that it will be extremely difficult to agree a position. The fact that Foster and Ó Muilleoir met the secretary of state for Brexit separately last week proves that.
Nonetheless we come back to the fundamental point which is that Arlene Foster got it wrong, the voters in the north rejected her case and she’s still in denial. It’s Ó Muilleoir who’s accurately expressing the concerns of the majority in the north. Perhaps that’s why Foster was so piqued by the positive reception his remarks received.
It seems her signing up to her U-turn letter on August 10 was an aberration.
Posted by Jim on September 6, 2016
Letters to Irish News (Belfast).
Fr Joe McVeigh. Tuesday, September 6, 2016
Trevor Ringland, a man with very fixed unionist views, clearly does not like republicans or republicanism. As a unionist he is pro-monarchy and anti-republican. That’s his choice, which limits greatly his understanding of the world. He describes republicanism as a ‘flawed ideology.’ And suggests that the 10 men died for ‘a flawed ideology’.
Mr Ringland began his letter – ‘Hunger strikes sadly a recurring theme of Irish republicanism’ (August 29) – by stating “I probably won’t watch 66 Days…” Such a negative approach to begin with suggests that he is not open to learning and discovering the mind of republicans. He goes on to condemn the hunger-strikers for ‘taking their own lives for a political cause’.
The use of hunger strike as a weapon to obtain justice has a long history in Ireland and indeed in other countries like India where it was used by Mahatma Gandhi. In Ireland it was used as a means of protesting against injustice in Celtic times and was known as troscadh (fasting on or against a person) and cealachan (achieving justice by starvation).
It is important to put the hunger strike in context.
In 1976 the British Labour government introduced a new policy of criminalisation. From then onwards republican prisoners sentenced would be required to wear prison uniform and conform to new prison rules. When the prisoners refused to conform to this new regime they went on a protest of wrapping themselves in a blanket and refusing to be forcibly taken to the toilets.
In August 1978, Cardinal Tomás O’Fiaich visited the H Blocks in Long Kesh prison to see the situation for himself. Afterwards he stated: “I was shocked by the inhuman conditions prevailing in H Blocks 3, 4, and 5, where over 300 prisoners are incarcerated. One would hardly allow an animal to remain in such conditions, let alone a human being…The stench and filth in some of the cells, with the remains of rotten food and human excreta around the walls, was almost unbearable. The nearest approach to it that I have seen was the spectacle of hundreds of homeless people living in sewer pipes in the slums of Calcutta. From talking to them it is evident that they intend to continue their protest indefinitely and it seems they prefer to face death rather than submit to being classed as criminals. Anyone with the least knowledge of Irish history knows how deeply rooted this attitude is in our country’s past.”
The British condemned the cardinal’s remarks. The cardinal was ridiculed in the British press, where it was often noted that he came from Crossmaglen in south Armagh.
The refusal by Margaret Thatcher and the British government to respond to the cardinal’s appeal for justice and mercy led to the first hunger-strike in 1980. When it ended with the promise from the British to introduce reforms a second hunger strike led by Bobby Sands began. In his diary he outlined the reasons why they resorted to the second hunger strike in 1981. From his point of view to accept the new regime would have been to criminalise the entire struggle for Irish freedom. The protesting prisoners hoped that the British would be forced to change their attitude as a result of world opinion and introduce a humane regime in Long Kesh summarised in the five demands.
The prisoners on the fast were acting in solidarity and in the cause of justice and human dignity.
Mr Ringland, being a monarchist, would not understand. I think Mr Ringland should go to see 66 Days.
He might learn something and he might learn to be a little more respectful of others who differ from him politically.
Fr Joe McVeigh
Posted by Jim on September 4, 2016
Call me by my old familiar name.
Speak to me in the easy way
which you always used.
Put no difference into your tone.
Wear no forced air of solemnity or sorrow.
Laugh as we always laughed
at the little jokes we enjoyed together.
Play, smile, think of me. Pray for me.
Let my name be ever the household word
that it always was.
Let it be spoken without effect.
Without the trace of a shadow on it.
Life means all that it ever meant.
It is the same that it ever was.
There is absolute unbroken continuity.
Why should I be out of mind
because I am out of sight?
I am but waiting for you.
For an interval.
Somewhere. Very near.
Just around the corner.
All is well.
Nothing is past; nothing is lost. One brief moment and all will be as it was before only better, infinitely happier and forever we will all be one together with Christ.
*Originally published in March 2015.
Posted by Jim on
Dear Fellow Hibernians,
It is with great sadness that I report of the passing of Bill Sheehan of Kings County Division 19.
Today we lost a loyal Hibernian. Though hampered by illness for years, he was always counted on and relied on in many Hibernian events.
We lost a Hibernian Brother and a true friend.
Details to follow when we receive them.
Steve Kiernan, President
AOH KINGS County Board
Posted by Jim on September 2, 2016
Posted by Jim on
Talk of scrapping the Human Rights Act is part of a pattern of insensitivity.
By Liam McNulty. New Statesman. Friday, September 2, 2015
As the Cabinet reconvenes in Chequers after the summer recess, the preparations for Brexit are top of the agenda. Yet amongst all the various options being considered by government ministers, there is one critical aspect of Britain’s disengagement from the European Union which has barely figured at all in the official debate – the impact on Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic.
Such an omission is a symptom of the parochial insularity characterizing the Tory right’s drive for Brexit, and is of a piece with Westminster’s historically disdainful attitude towards Ireland.
A history of after-thoughts
The political historians Alistair B. Cooke and John Vincent once wrote in their study of the Home Rule crisis of the 1880s that the “Irish policies of British governments at Westminster cannot be explained in terms of Irish circumstances. They must be explained in terms of parliamentary combinations.”
In other words, domestic British politics trumps whatever impact Westminster policy may have across the Irish Sea. This was true of their immediate subject, and it was an analysis confirmed for the subsequent 1910-1914 Home Rule crisis in a more recent study, Ronan Fanning’s Fatal Path.
As summed up by one reviewer, Fanning established that for Asquith and Lloyd George “the essential issue…was never Ireland but was, rather, their own party advantage and, above all, their personal career advantage. Both had to spend more time calculating the consequences of their policies for internal British politics, and their own positions, than for Anglo-Irish relations.”
The same indictment applies to the Tories who, by instrumentalizing Ulster Protestant resistance to Home Rule (playing “the Orange Card” in the infamous words of Lord Randolph Churchill), brought Ireland to the brink of civil war in order to destroy their Liberal rivals.
These events have been prominent in the public consciousness in Ireland during the “decade of centenaries” and in this year especially, one hundred years after the Easter Rising.
Though the stakes are not of the same magnitude, now too can the Tory Party be accused of treating Ireland as an after-thought. The gamble of a European referendum that showed scant regard for the consequences of exit for decades of careful conflict resolution.
The 56 per centers
The new Prime Minister, Theresa May, treads a treacherous, though hopefully not fatal, path as she deals with the fall-out of the European referendum for Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic.
During the referendum, the then Secretary of State, Theresa Villiers, took a Leave position, even as the Irish government and most of the North’s political parties warned it would be disastrous. Her position was unsustainable after 56 per cent of Northern Ireland and a clear majority of its parliamentary constituencies voted for Remain, and she has been replaced by the pro-Remain May ally James Brokenshire.
Brokenshire now has the unenvious task of raising Northern Ireland’s situation in a heated Cabinet argument about Brexit, the terms of which have been framed with little or no reference to the situation across the Irish Sea.
May and Brokenshire’s current bind is this. Though keeping conspicuously quiet throughout the referendum campaign, May has been keen to shore up her right flank by disavowing any notion that the decision to leave the EU would be undone on the sly: “Brexit,” she has repeated, “means Brexit.”
On one level this is meaningless, since in any referendum with a binary choice it is nigh-impossible to identify the individual motivations of the millions who voted for one or other side.
Yet it is simply inescapable that the mood music of the referendum was the desire to limit immigration from the EU into the United Kingdom.
The Human Rights Act tripwire
It is this commitment, at the very least, that the Tory right in the Cabinet expects to be upheld. Though May was quick to reassure Stormont that “nobody wants to return to the borders of the past”, what this means in practice is far from clear.
A particularly reckless example of this was Liam Fox’s call in late July for the UK to leave the European customs union in order to seek bilateral trade deals with individual states. The Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Charles Flanagan, expressed himself to be “very surprised” at the comments, and Fox was promptly shot down by Downing Street.
A pattern of narrow British insensitivity is forming. Arguably more serious again are the recent comments by Liz Truss, May’s Justice Secretary, who has reconfirmed support for the Tory’s election manifesto commitment to replace the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights.
The Human Rights Act 1998 incorporated the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) into UK law and, if the intention with a British Bill of Rights is to leave the ECHR, it could have grave implications for the whole Northern Ireland settlement.
Though the principle of consent underpinning any changes to Northern Ireland’s constitutional position applies only to the option of a united Ireland, the general spirit of consent and bilateralism could be violated by England and Wales’s unilateral action.
More to the point, the Good Friday Agreement presupposes joint EU membership and adherence to the ECHR. As Ian McBride has recently written: “During the 1990s the EU provided a stage on which Irish and British politicians met as equals. The wider context of European integration also took much of the heat out of the border issue. It made the idea of a region whose inhabitants had the right to be ‘Irish, British, or both’ easier to imagine.”
The ECHR does not just have a symbolic presence in the peace process, but provides practical safeguards designed to ensure there can be no return to the majoritarian Unionist domination of the past.
The arrogance of Brexit
Whatever its faults, the Agreement governs relations in a region of the United Kingdom and should be treated seriously in the discussions around Brexit. Moreover, it is a bilateral treaty with the Irish government, lodged after its ratification with the United Nations.
It should give Unionists pause for thought that Northern Ireland, once more, is only an incidental detail in a Westminster power-play.
Perhaps this crisis will, in James Connolly’s words “throw the Irish people back upon their own resources” and provoke discussion of an internal solution to the Irish question.
An optimistic prognosis now, perhaps. Yet, as the Brexit wagon trundles ever onwards, it is a conversation that will become increasingly necessary.
Posted by Jim on September 1, 2016
Radio stations such as Newstalk took reporters onto the streets and asked the general public their opinions. Unsurprisingly there was a warm response to the notion of a reunified Ireland, but lacking from the discourse was an honest addressing of the facts – with experts plucking figures from thin air and passing them off as gospel in relation to the annual deficit the Six Counties accumulates and that Britain supposedly bridges as an act of charity (from £6-14 billion!).
Regardless, it’s worth noting that Ireland as a singular entity ceased being a net contributor to Britain in 1911 – Britain a few years later shedding itself of the non-contributory part of Ireland and keeping the industralised North (which at the time of partition generated 75 percent of the economic output on the island and was wealthier per head than any part of Britain).
The decision to divide Ireland was sold at the time, and to this day, as a gesture of goodwill and love for their loyal patrons who died in World War I. I’d argue otherwise and say that, like every other decision, it was an act of self-interest done purely on an economic basis.
Just as the reasons given for partition have been distorted, so too are the arguments as to why it should be maintained. As noted earlier, various experts continue to trot out random figures for the prospective tab the 26-Counties would need to pick up in the event of Irish reunification. All are false and indeed English economist Michael Burke, in a report using the British government’s own ONS data from 2013, showed that the annual fiscal deficit was closer to £730 million and not anywhere near the £10 billion quoted by many.
Findings by the University of British Columbia also forecast a €36 billion injection into the economy (over eight years) upon an end to trade barriers internal to Ireland and a corresponding harmonisation of the tax systems in the event of Irish Unity, highlighting that we would operate better as a single economy with a single tax code, currency, public services, governmental bodies etc.
All of this has been ignored by the chattering classes since new-found interest on the merits of a United Ireland emerged in wake of the Brexit vote – which is disappointing but not at all surprising.
In Scotland likewise, Britain refuses transparency on key issues and as with the North uses smaller regions to bolster England’s economic health at their expense, distorting the picture. A prime example is Scottish whisky. Hugely popular worldwide and with a large market in North America, it contributes £4.5 billion per annum to the UK Exchequer. The vast majority of that total is not attributed to Scotland as the UK state attributes it to the point where it leaves the UK itself – which conveniently is largely England.
There are similar goings-on in the North, which distorts appearances and impacts on those seeking a reasoned decision on where they see their future. As with the ‘love bomb’ David Cameron threw at Scotland during the referendum campaign in 2014 – just as with Ireland in 1922 – their desire to keep Scotland was not based on any spirit of benevolence towards Scotland or her people.
It was purely with self-interest in mind for England, mirrored in this country with corporate interests such as gold mines in Tyrone and fracking in Fermanagh. The reality is that, despite protesting otherwise, Britain does have selfish and economic reasons for staying in Ireland. Indeed this would explain the lack of transparency in the figures she makes available.
It is difficult for republicans to counter the ‘voodoo economics’ perpetuated by Britain to maintain the Union when the media ignores known facts when discussing the matter. What hope then that the dodgy bookkeeping distorting the debate in the pro-union camp’s favour will ever be seriously looked into? That Britain has no right to govern here in the first place aside, we should be making the case for reunification when and where we can, demanding transparency from our opponents so people can at least be armed with the facts.
Nelson Mandela once said, ‘let your choices be defined by your hopes and not your fears’. Making a positive case for Irish Unity is in my opinion vital to the campaign for a national referendum on Irish Unity. Should we succeed towards that objective and take part in such an act of self-determination, deciding our country’s constitutional future, we must ensure our arguments are clear and coherent and that we indeed appeal to the hopes, not the fears, of the Irish people.
Patrick Donahoe is a former Organiser with the 1916 Societies and current Secretary of the Sean Heuston Society in Dublin.
Posted by Jim on
Allison Morris. Irish News (Belfast). Thursday, September 1, 2016
The Belfast of my childhood was bleak. There’s no point in trying to dress it up as anything other than that. It was grey and at times terrifying but it was also all I knew.
Being a child growing up in what was then effectively a war zone isn’t in any way normal.
Our house regularly shook from the tremor of bomb blasts. At times I was woken with the shudder of the rattling windows or the sound of automatic gunfire.
The deaths of the hunger strikers were marked by the banging of old metal bin lids on the pavements outside our house.
The first dead body I ever saw was that of Kieran Doherty, his family lived at the top of our street and I could hear the adults around me speaking about him in hushed tones.
I’ve always been nosey, an essential quality in a reporter. I sneaked away and positioned myself in the queue of mourners outside the Doherty home.
I’d my wee brother by the hand – I was supposed to be minding him – when I reached the top of the queue a man said to another, “there’s two kids here, what will I do?”
I remember as clearly as if it were yesterday he said, “let them in, she should see, everyone should see”.
Watching my dad cry when my cousin was murdered. Being stopped and having your school bag searched by British soldiers on your way to school. The endless funerals, there were so many funerals.
It’s not a normal way to grow up, the look of horror on my own children’s faces when I tell them stories of my childhood makes me realise how far removed it is from the life they’ve lived post peace process.
When I look at what is happening in the world today, the plight of children in Palestine, Syria and Iraq, little bodies washed up on beaches and realise I was actually quite lucky. Their wee lives make my childhood look like a Disney cartoon.
Then last week the release of state papers from 1987 brought it all back to me, the stuff seared in my memory and some events that had been lost in the annals of time.
It was a time when the world I lived in was filled with death and destruction but as a teenager my thoughts were filled with discos, boys and puffball mini skirts.
Sir Ken Bloomfield, a man I interviewed at home a few years ago and found to be welcoming, full of stories about the fascinating experiences he’d had in his lengthy career, made the most horrendous slur on my community.
In a memo to former secretary of state Tom King the then head of the civil service said west Belfast had a “ghetto mentality” and a large section of the population was alienated from “normal civilised behaviour”.
And I didn’t recognise the place he was referring to. Abnormal yes, but there were historic, political reasons for that. Terrified, yes, poor, most definitely, it was an economic waste ground, although current deprivation statistics would indicate there’s much still to be done in that respect. But uncivilised – that I dispute.
We were raised with food in our bellies, shoes on our feet and a sense of right and wrong.
My mother would have walked us around burning buses to make sure we availed of an education never offered to her, not even a riot would deter her.
This description of my friends and family as ‘uncivilised’ angered me in a way a 30-year-old dispatch never should.
The memo was in fact saying that any investment in west Belfast needs to take into account the wider perception of the people who live there.
Mr King was warned not to anger the unionist community by being seen to reward the poor people of my community.
Look at it like that and what chance did we really stand? Being misruled by people who treated us like savages and penalised us so as not to anger a unionist community they had helped pit against us.
When those who govern are conspiring against an entire community and yet still we thrived and survived, that’s something to look back on with pride.
Posted by Jim on August 30, 2016
What once are derogatory, offensive terms often change in time. “Irish” was once a terrible and oppressive thing to be called. In the ports of New York, Boston and New Orleans and in the Pennsylvania mines, the Appalachian mountains and anywhere else in the United States after the Famine, to be named such a thing was akin to spitting in your face. The Irish were clan-like, fiercely communal people who fenced themselves off from the incumbent Anglo-Saxon culture.
They worked hard, sure. But they played like animals. Bare-knuckle fist fighters that fought each other for the spirit in it and the fun. For blood and boast. Pride in the prowess of their ancient surnames. Gamblers that played a foreign card game called “faro” with words that harkened to an ancient language. The language of a nomadic Celtic past that had been banished from the mainland of Europe centuries earlier by Julius Caesar. Pushed to the Western-most islands of the continent. Now pushed passed the isle of Ireland, they took to the sea and landed in a new world. Born to soldier and brawl.
Like the Irish in the 19th and early 20th centuries, African-Americans have fenced themselves off from the Anglo-Saxon culture. Many have mixed their race with whites, whether on purpose or of rape. If there is one thing that mystifies the people of homogenous countries, it is the idea of the typical American being of mixed race. An entire country of mostly mixed-blooded people clashing together to make the most powerful culture the world has ever known. All were once desperate to leave their homogenous cultures like traveling gypsies running from war or famine, or were enslaved, only to land in a mish-mash of mixed raced people.
That is a Diddicoy. A mixed-blooded gypsy.
In Ireland still to this very day, a group known generally as Travelers roam the boreens (country roads) in caravans challenging each other to bare-knuckle fights for the right to boast. One-on-one they fight with almost no rules between them, other than honor. Some of them are part Romani, some of them are not sure if they have any true Romani gypsy blood as they almost all carry Celtic or Norman surnames like the Joyce’s and the Doherty’s. There are many derogatory terms for them like Tinkers, Pikeys or the Pavee and of course, Diddicoys.
In Chapter 7 of Light of the Diddicoy, the first book in the Auld Irishtown trilogy, an immigrant is shot at 25 Bridge Street, the saloon that the White Hand Gang calls headquarters under the Manhattan Bridge in Brooklyn, 1915. Detective William Brosnan, a 53-year old Dubliner turned New York cop investigates as the immigrant takes his last breath on the floor among the mortar hods and shovels in the corner of the saloon.
The candles that light the saloon flicker when the front door is opened and the sounds of the trolleys rushing overhead along the Manhattan Bridge rail tracks breaks the silence inside. Brosnan is attempting to extract information from Paddy Keenan, himself a native of a small town outside Kilkenny, Ireland and the saloon’s tender. When Keenan, who is known as the gang’s Minister of Information, refuses to part with any knowledge of the shooting, Brosnan slams his hand on the bar and looks upstairs where the office of the gang’s leader is, Dinny Meehan. Brosnan then points his finger at Keenan and says, “This gang ain’ nuttin’ but a bunch o’ thiefs an’ diddicoys, anyhow. They’re days’re numbered, ye heard it from me right here and now!”
It takes a Dublin jackeen who knows English slang to describe the gang as Diddicoys, as the word comes from the derogatory description of a mix-blooded Romani-gypsy, particular to England. But a good description it is. You see, I spent three and a half years reading articles about the White Hand Gang and its members. When you pull police reports and death certificates and any description you can find of the lifestyle and habits of the Irish-American gangsters along the Brooklyn waterfront of the era, you find out a lot about them.
What I found in them that is most glaring is a complete lack of regard for law, as most gangsters do, of course. Actually, calling it a “lack of regard” isn’t strong enough. Not close enough. I would rather describe it as a complete distrust in law.
An excellent description of the mentality of the people who lived in what used to be called Irishtown in Brooklyn, which nowadays we call DUMBO (Down Under the Manhattan Bridge Overpass) and Vinegar Hill, was Willie Sutton’s book Where the Money Was. He said the people who lived where he grew up didn’t believe in even the most basic organizations such as hospitals because it was said “they’d give ye the black box.” This black box symbolized death and the reason the Irish always got it was because the hospital administrators didn’t believe the Irish were worth the bed. And when someone more upstanding arrived at the over-crowded hospital, they had to make room. So they gave the black box to the Irish to give the bed to more law-abiding, respected citizens. Sounds crazy and superstitious, but that was his description. And I found a consistency to that in my own research of the White Hand Gang members of Brooklyn’s Irishtown.
After reading so much about these gangsters and coming across Sutton, the greatest bank robber of his time, I began to put it all together. It suddenly made sense: These Irish-Americans were the offspring of victims of possibly the worst, most atrocious and horrific miscarriage of justice the world has chronicled. They were the Famine-Irish that settled originally along the waterfront in Brooklyn. The ones that survived the casket ships and the Great Hunger of 1845-1852, An Gorta Mor, it’s called in Irish. It was law that starved their people and their children to an emaciated death in the ditches and road-side graves back in Ireland. Over a million dead and a million more sent to places like the Five Points in Lower Manhattan and “Auld Irishtown” in Brooklyn. Their tenant farms replaced by cattle, a more suitable income for English landowners in Ireland.
It was law that sent them to foreign lands. And it would be law that instilled the greatest distrust in them.
It would not be unlikely to assume that some, if not many, of the original Famine-Irish were actual gypsies, for there is a great relation to gypsy culture and the gangsters of Irishtown in Brooklyn. Not just in the disbelief in man-made law, but the superstitions, the thieving from the established people, the tradition of bare-knuckle fighting, the powerful belief in honor and, of course, the great Code of Silence that pervaded men and women who lived underneath the bridges in Brooklyn.
There are countless examples of a gangster getting shot and refusing to name his perpetrator. “I got mine, I’ll make sure he gets his” was usually the answer. The Traveller community in Britain and Ireland still think this way. They do not seek law to settle their disagreements, they seek blood. Whether it be retribution or a challenge. Just as was done in Irishtown and the Diddicoys of the White Hand Gang. A challenge is a challenge. One-on-one. Man against man with no weapons and no rules. Just a pair of fists and a man’s will. That was the character of the people of Auld Irishtown.
Posted by Jim on August 28, 2016
A priest has spoken about God’s “perfect timing” after he officiated at
the joint funeral mass of a man murdered by British soldiers and the
wife who campaigned in his memory, despite them dying exactly 45 years
Joseph Murphy, who was buried with his wife Mary on Thursday, was one of
the 11 victims of the Ballymurphy Massacre which happened during the
introduction of internment without trial in August 1971.
Ten people, including Mr Murphy, a priest who had gone to the aid of one
of victims and a 50-year-old mother of eight children were shot dead by
British soldiers in west Belfast. Inquests have yet to be concluded into
An eleventh victim, who does not come under the terms of the inquest,
Paddy McCarthy, died from a heart attack after a soldier allegedly put
an empty gun into his mouth and pulled the trigger.
It is believed that most if not all of the killings were carried out by
members of the British Parachute Regiment. The incident took place
months before the same regiment was involved in the Bloody Sunday
killings, which resulted in the deaths of 14 innocent civilians.
Last October, as part of the Ballymurphy inquests, the coroner ordered
that Mr Murphy’s body be exhumed so that an investigation could be
carried out into his family’s belief that he was shot on two occasions
by the British army.
In hospital before his death, Mr Murphy told his family he was first
shot in the upper thigh on the streets of Ballymurphy, but soldiers then
brought him into the nearby Henry Taggart barracks and shot him again
through his open wound.
A suspected bullet fragment found among his remains after his exhumation
supported his dying comments, and this will be a factor in the inquests
into his killing.
With other members of the Ballymurphy families, his widow Mary
campaigned for decades to establish the truth behind the killings. It
had been her hope that a second funeral Mass could be heard for her
husband before he was re-interred.
However, Mrs Murphy died from cancer on August 22nd, the same date that
Mr Murphy died from his injuries in 1971.
“Little did she think that he would be buried 45 years to the day when
he was first buried,” said officiating priest Fr Darach Mac Giolla
“More than that, that she would have the grace when she died that they
would be side by side in the church and be laid to rest together,” he
added. “God’s timing really is perfect.”
Their daughter has spoken of her mixed emotions that her beloved parents
were laid to rest together.
Janet Donnelly, said that the family had found out only the day before
her mother’s funeral that the Coroner’s Office were releasing their
father’s remains to them.
“The original plan was to have daddy buried and for our mummy to be
there. Our mother was a woman of great faith. When our daddy’s body was
exhumed in October she insisted that there was a priest present and that
there were prayers at the graveside. She wanted him to have a proper
funeral when the time came for him to be reburied. Little did we know
that he would be waiting for her in the chapel 45 years from the day of
his original funeral.”
After her husband’s death Mary Ellen Murphy was left to raise nine
children alone – three of her children have already passed away. She
remained in the same house in Ballymurphy Parade until her own death.
“After daddy passed away our mummy raised us on her own. She did what a
lot of women back then had to do: she just got on with it, she worked
non-stop. She had a house shop, she sold candy apples and she took any
work she could get, that’s what people did back then. Her faith carried
her through those hard years, she said her Rosary every day.
“It is bittersweet.. we’re happy because she always wanted to see him
buried again and we promised her it would happen.”
Janet says all the Ballymurphy families know the truth about their loved
ones, but it’s vital that the truth is put on record.
“We want an inquiry, we need for the rest of the world to know what
happened to the victims of the Ballymurphy Massacre. It’s about
justice. In years to come when people look back on history we want it
stated clearly in black and white that our loved ones were innocent
“Now that mummy has passed away it’s even more important for the
inquests to be heard as our witnesses are dying… there’s money sitting
there for inquests, it needs to be released.”
Posted by Jim on
A dispute over a sectarian loyalist parade through the mainly
nationalist town of Rasharkin last week is being linked to the “leak” of
private messages targeting Sinn Fein Assembly member Daithi McKay.
Loyalist blogger Jamie Bryson is being accused of taking revenge against
Mr McKay, who was forced to resign his post earlier this month, after he
helped lobby the Parades Commission to prevent a notorious loyalist band
from taking part in the County Antrim parade.
According to the Sunday Life newspaper, Bryson reportedly told his
cronies that by leaking private messages from Mr McKay about his
appearance before a Stormont committee, he could end his political
career and also bring pressure for a full public inquiry into the
scandal over the sale of properties in the north of Ireland.
The controversy over the Rasharkin parade began when independent
councillor Padraig McShane was spat at and taunted by masked loyalists
during a parade in nearby Ballycastle on July 12. Mr McShane suffered a
serious head injury when he was violently arrested in the subsequent
Last week, after coming under nationalist pressure, the Parades
Comission refused permission for the band involved, the ‘Dervock Young
Defenders’, to march in last week’s Rasharkin parade. That march passed
off relatively peacefully on Friday, August 19th.
Bryson is a prominent loyalist marcher and ‘flags’ protestor who has a
reputation as a publicity-seeker. His insistence that he was not
responsible for the transcript ‘leak’ won few believers, and he lost
further credibility when he claimed some messages he received from McKay
had been removed from the transcript, a claim he then failed to
Refusing to comment further, he says: “My focus is on the legal
preparation for the pending application to the Secretary of State asking
for a full public inquiry into NAMA (the Dublin government’s National
Asset Management Agency).”
Mr McKay was forced to resign last week because the messages showed that
he communicated inappropriately with Bryson on how to present his
testimony to the Stormont Finance Committee investigating NAMA’s
dealings in the North. Through the account of another Sinn Fein member,
Bryson was advised how to present his evidence of corruption against the
DUP leader Peter Robison without being interrupted or blocked by DUP
The loyalist was called to the committee after making a number of online
allegations relating to 7 million pounds in an offshore bank account
linked to the deal which had allegedly been earmarked for a politician
in the Six Counties.
Bryson told the committee that former DUP leader Peter Robinson was to
receive a payment upon its completion. Robinson, who has since quit
politics, continues to deny that he was to profit from the sale of the
portfolio to the American company Cerberus.
Sinn Fein has made clear that Mr McKay had been acting on his own
initiative and had “paid the price”. Speaking in Derry’s Bogside, Mr
McGuinness blasted McKay’s actions as “profoundly disturbing” and also
derided allegations that he was part of a conspiracy to damage the
former DUP leader.
“Does anybody think for one minute that I would even contemplate being
involved in anything that would involve someone like young Bryson, who
has effectively got his own agenda which is about ill will towards Peter
Robinson,” he said.
Sinn Fein’s current Finance Minister in the Six Counties, Mairtin O
Muilleoir, also issued a statement making clear he had “absolutely no
knowledge” of the communications, and rejected calls to step aside while
Stormont’s Finance Committee holds an investigation into the ‘back
Although the current DUP leader Arleen Foster said the messages were a
“disgraceful attempt to impugn and discredit” her former colleague, her
party has indicated it is ready to move past the controversy.
Meanwhile, Sinn Fein has selected Daithi McKay’s predecessor at Stormont
to replace him. Philip McGuigan returns to the assembly, having
previously served as a Sinn Fein Assembly a decade ago, representing
North Antrim at Stormont from 2003-2007. The father-of-four is currently
a Sinn Fein representative on Causeway Coast and Glens Council.
Posted by Jim on
Columbus Council 126
Greetings LAOH & AOH. On Saturday September 03, 2016 @ 7:00 PM, Columbus Council #126 will be having an “Impromptu BBQ & Get Together” in the council yard & hall. The cost will be $10.00 PP for the food & soft drinks. The Tap Room will also be open and has 2 new air conditioner units for your comfort & they work very well, so you may need a light jacket or sweater.
If you are interested in attending, please contact me by 11:00 PM Thursday September 01, 2016 as I will be picking up the food on Friday. Please include number of guest attending with you. I am only picking up enough food for those folks who have responded as attending.
Please contact me via this email, phone text or call.
Posted by Jim on August 27, 2016
‘DON’T TAKE THEM DOWN’
The chairman of a County Antrim Gaelic sports club has resigned after it
voted to remove entrance gates dedicated to the memory of two Irish War
of Independence martyrs in order to secure a grant from a
Eddie Haughey quit after members of Oisin Glenariffe hurling club took
the decision in a secret ballot at a special meeting last week. It is
understood the managers of two of the club’s teams have also resigned.
The club’s grounds are named after two IRA men, Charlie McAllister and
Pat McVeigh, who were killed during a gun battle with B-Specials near in
Glenariffe in May 1922 – months after the Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed.
The Glens of Antrim club had sought 180,000 pounds from Causeway Coast
and Glens Borough Council to help build a new community centre on its
land. Unionist councillors moved to block the funds as part of an effort
to remove the erase the memory of the two local heroes. The DUP claimed
that the gates leading onto the site would “re-traumatise” people.
On Tuesday night, following the club’s decision to submit to the DUP
demands to remove the gates, the council narrowly approved the funding
when it met in Coleraine.
Sinn Fein councillor Cara McShane noted the council approval placed no
conditions, such as the gates having to be moved. She accused the DUP of
“political posturing” and seeking to use “any means possible to treat
people in this part of the borough as second class citizens.”
She said there is no political agenda in the building of the centre.
“The last thing anyone wants is for this facility, which is a
much-needed in a rural community, to be used for political
point-scoring. People are very emotional,” she said.
There have already been calls for the club’s decision to be reversed.
Ballycastle based councillor Padraig McShane accused the council of
“The club members should not have been put in that position,” he said.
“They were put in this position because of the unrelenting anti-Irish
sentiment of Causeway Coast and Glens council.”
Mr McShane urged the GAA community in the Glens to stay unified.
“I wish Glenarriffe and all the fellow Gaels the very best,” he said. “A
unity of purpose will see us rise a monument fitting to the two
Posted by Jim on August 26, 2016
Éamon Phoenix. Irish News (Belfast). Thursday, August 25, 2016
THE success of the campaign for the MacBride Principles in the US encouraged the British government to introduce a new Fair Employment Act in 1989.
Named after Nobel Peace Prize recipient Seán MacBride, the fair employment principles act as a corporate code of conduct for US companies doing business in Northern Ireland.
State papers show how Sir Antony Acland, the British Ambassador to the US, wrote to Northern Ireland secretary Tom King in 1987 about continuing controversy in the US around fair employment in Northern Ireland.
Acland said US interest in Northern Ireland had declined following the signing of the Anglo- Irish Agreement and was “no longer anywhere near the top of most American politicians’ agenda”.
But he said among several areas for concern fair employment was “the most difficult” and “finally, and most important, MacBride”.
Acland welcomed King’s decision to “shift the emphasis of British efforts [in the US] away from the Principles” and to the MacBride campaign’s impact on investment in Northern Ireland.
On the MacBride campaign, the ambassador’s view was that “even with increased resources, we would have little or no chance of halting the campaign altogether. We shall still be dealing with legislators who see no reason to change their embedded view of NI”.
David Fell, head of the Stormont Department of Economic Development, circulated a confidential memo on MacBride commenting on the British ambassador’s remarks.
He acknowledged that in face of the mounting campaign, “the credibility of HMG’s commitment to fair employment is now a major objective”.
“An important consequence”, he wrote, “has been the need to secure real progress on fair employment on the ground”.
But he added: “It must be pointed out that, for whatever reasons, there has been no new US investment in NI since 1984.”
In his view, a political decision was required whether to adopt a laissez-faire approach to MacBride or continue resistance which would be very costly.
In reply to Acland in November
Posted by Jim on August 25, 2016
RADIO FREE EIREANN will broadcast this Saturday August 27 – Noon-1-pm New York time or 5pm-6pm Irish time on WBAI 99.5 FM or WBAI.ORG or anytime after the program concludes on WBAI.ORG/ARCHIVES
We will also feature a discussion of a new documentary film on the groundbreaking Irish band “BLACK 47”
Go to RADIO FREE EIREANN’S new web site, RFE123.ORG where you can read written transcripts of last weeks headline making interviews with Belfast Republican Dee Fennell on a public debate challenge with Gerry Adams TD and author and political commentator Anthony McIntyre’s discussion of the continuing fallout from the “Brysongate” scandal.
Follow us on Twitter.John McDonagh and Martin Galvin co- host.
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The Ancient Order of Hibernians in Nassau County, N.Y., are proud to announce their 44th annual Feis & Irish Festival, to be held at Nickerson Beach, 880 Lido Blvd., Lido Beach, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Sunday, Sept. 18.
Young and old and in between will be sure to have a fabulous time with live music all day long, entertainment and attractions, including Irish step dancing, bagpiping, Irish vendors, traditional Irish singing, children’s games, Irish language, Irish art, Gaelic Cúl Camp and plenty of food and beverages. $10 per person. Children under 16 get in free.
This year’s honoree will be renowned Hibernian and long time Feis & Festival chairman and treasurer Jack Ryan, a member of AOH Division 15 in Massapequa, an AOH Nassau County Board officer and New York State AOH officer.
Catholic Mass will be celebrated at 11 a.m.
For more information, call (646) 481-3347 or visit www.NassauAOHfeis.com
Come enjoy all that’s best about the Irish! Come to the Feis & Festival on Sept. 18.
About our honoree:
John M. (Jack) Ryan joined the AOH in 1973 at Division 15 in Massapequa Park. He served the division as president, vice president, recording secretary and sentinel. In 1976 he was a founding member of the Tara Pipe Band and serves as a drum major. He served on the Division’s Board of Trustees for 20 years.
Jack joined the Nassau County Feis Committee in 1975 and has served as general chairman, piping and drumming chairman and currently serves as the corporate treasurer. He has served on the County Board as president, vice president, recording secretary and treasurer. He is now serving as chairman of the standing committee. In 1991 he was elected as aide to the grand marshal of the NYC St. Patrick’s Day Parade. He has been awarded National Life Membership in the Order.
On the state level, Jack served two terms as state director of District Six, and has also served as state organizer and Catholic Action chairman. For the last 10 years he has served as the state chairman of Veterans Affairs.
Jack is married to the former Noreen Keenan of the Bronx. They live in Massapequa Park. The couple has four daughters: Patricia, Kathleen, Noreen and Mary Ellen. They are the proud grandparents of 13 children.
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Posted by Jim on August 22, 2016
“We accidentally ran into the Ballinablath [sic] thing. We took up a position, and held it there until late in the evening,” he said in a sworn statement delivered in 1934 when he was applying for a military pension.
The Collins party had been delayed and O’Neill and his comrades were about to abandon the ambush when they heard the Collins group approaching.
Collins leaped from the car and began firing when they came under fire. He was shot by a single bullet through the head and died instantly.
O’Neill also had two personal encounters with Collins while working with the IRA during the War of Independence. The first in 1920, when he was introduced to Collins and a number of his confidantes; the second in 1921, when he was entrusted to deliver a message to Collins from London.
That these records survive is remarkable in itself, given that a 1932 government order directed all files pertaining to the Civil War be burned.
O’Neill, described in army intelligence files from 1924 as “a first class shot and a strict disciplinarian” and “undoubtedly a dangerous man,” was born in Timoleague, Co. Cork in 1888.
He served in the RIC and as a marksman for the British Army in WWI, but was discharged after being shot in the arm.
Back in Ireland, he rose through the ranks of the IRA thanks to the access granted him by his RIC past. In the Irish Civil War he fought on the Anti-Treaty side. The pension files paint a picture of a man on the run after the war ended, never staying in the same house two nights in a row.
Years later he settled in Tipperary, becoming a peace commissioner and a director of elections for Sinn Fein and Fianna Fail. He died in 1950.
All of this information about O’Neill was included in the second cache of Military Pensions Archives published by the Irish Defense Forces and just made available online.
Between 1924 and 1949, the Irish government made those who had fought or performed intelligence work in the War of Independence and the Irish Civil War eligible for pensions.
In order to receive benefits, however, they had to provide evidence, personal testimony and second hand testimony of their service.
Because of this, the records are exceptionally detailed. The portion released, for example, includes 1,158 individual pension records, 77 administrative files and 173,000 scanned documents, letters and photographs. The site also includes a map of activity during the 1916 Easter Rising and a photo identification project
Originally published in 2014.
Posted by Jim on
Help the Flood Victims in Louisiana
20 August 2016:
Radio Free Eireann WBAI 99.5 fm in NY
Jim Sullivan announced on today’s show that the National Board of the AOH is asking those who wish to help the flood victims in Louisiana to contact the Archdiocese of New Orleans to make a donation through Catholic Charities Appeal.
Please call 504-523-3755 to make a donation. Thank you!
Posted by Jim on August 20, 2016
A typical Derry lad
TWENTY-seven-year-old Micky Devine, from the Creggan in Derry city, was the third INLA Volunteer to join the H-Block hunger strike to the death.
Micky Devine took over as O/C of the INLA blanket men in March when the then O/C, Patsy O’Hara, joined the hunger strike but he retained this leadership post when he joined the hunger strike himself.
Known as ‘Red Micky’, his nickname stemmed from his ginger hair rather than his political complexion, although he was most definitely a republican socialist.
The story of Micky Devine is not one of a republican ‘super-hero’ but of a typical Derry lad whose family suffered all of the ills of sectarian and class discrimination inflicted upon the Catholic working-class of that city: poor housing, unemployment and lack of opportunity.
Micky himself had a rough life.
His father died when Micky was a young lad; he found his mother dead when he was only a teenager; married young, his marriage ended in separation; he underwent four years of suffering ‘on the blanket’ in the H-Blocks; and, finally, the torture of hunger-strike.
Unusually for a young Derry nationalist, because of his family’s tragic history (unconnected with ‘the troubles’), Micky was not part of an extended family, and his only close relatives were his sister Margaret, seven years his elder, and now aged 34, and her husband, Frank McCauley, aged 36.
Michael James Devine was born on May 26th, 1954 in the Springtown camp, on the outskirts of Derry city, a former American army base from the Second World War, which Micky himself described as “the slum to end all slums”.
Hundreds of families – 99% (unemployed) Catholics, because of Derry corporation’s sectarian housing policy – lived, or rather existed, in huts, which were not kept in any decent state of repair by the corporation.
One of Micky’s earliest memories was of lying in a bed covered in old coats to keep the rain off the bed. His sister, Margaret, recalls that the huts were “okay” during the summer, but they leaked, and the rest of the year they were cold and damp.
Micky’s parents, Patrick and Elizabeth, both from Derry city, had got married in late 1945 shortly after the end of the Second World War, during which Patrick had served in the British merchant navy. He was a coalman by trade, but was unemployed for years.
At first Patrick and Elizabeth lived with the latter’s mother in Ardmore, a village near Derry, where Margaret was born in 1947. In early 1948 the family moved to Springtown where Micky was born in May 1954.
Although Springtown was meant to provide only temporary accommodation, official lethargy and sectarianism dictated that such inadequate housing was good enough for Catholics and it was not until the early ‘sixties that the camp was closed.
During the ‘fifties, the Creggan was built as a new Catholic ghetto, but it was 1960 before the Devines got their new home in Creggan, on the Circular Road. Micky had an unremarkable, but reasonably happy childhood. He went to Holy Child primary school in Creggan.
At the age of eleven Micky started at St. Joseph’s secondary school in Creggan, which he was to attend until he was fifteen.
But soon the first sad blow befell him. On Christmas eve 1965, when Micky was aged only eleven, his father fell ill; and six weeks later, in February 1966, his father, who was only in his forties, died of leukaemia.
Micky had been very close to his father and his premature death left Micky heartbroken.
Five months later, in July 1966, his sister Margaret left home to get married, whilst Micky remained in the Devines’ Circular Road home with his mother and granny.
At school Micky was an average pupil, and had no notable interests.
The first civil rights march in Derry took place on October 5th, 1968, when the sectarian RUC batoned several hundred protesters at Duke Street. Recalling that day, Micky, who was then only fourteen wrote:
“Like every other young person in Derry my whole way of thinking was tossed upside down by the events of October 5th, 1968. I didn’t even know there was a civil rights march. I saw it on television.
“But that night I was down the town smashing shop windows and stoning the RUC. Overnight I developed an intense hatred of the RUC. As a child I had always known not to talk to them, or to have anything to do with them, but this was different
“Within a month everyone was a political activist. I had never had a political thought in my life, but now we talked of nothing else. I was by no means politically aware but the speed of events gave me a quick education.”
After the infamous loyalist attack on civil rights marchers in nearby Burntollet, in January 1969, tension mounted in Derry through 1969 until the August 12th riots, when Orangemen – Apprentice Boys and the RUC – attacked the Bogside, meeting effective resistance, in the ‘Battle of the Bogside’. On two occasions in 1969 Micky ended up at the wrong end of an RUC baton, and consequently in hospital.
That summer Micky left school. Always keen to improve himself, he got a job as a shop assistant and over the next three years worked his way up the local ladder: from Hill’s furniture store on the Strand Road, to Sloan’s store in Shipquay Street, and finally to Austin’s furniture store in the Diamond (and one can get no higher in Derry, as a shop assistant).
British troops had arrived in August 1969, in the wake of the ‘Battle of the Bogside’. ‘Free Derry’ was maintained more by agreement with the British army than by physical force, but of course there were barricades, and Micky was one of the volunteers manning them with a hurley.
At that time, and during 1970 and 1971, Micky became involved in the civil rights movement, and with the local (uniquely militant) Labour Party and the Young Socialists.
The already strained relationship between British troops and the nationalist people of Derry steadily deteriorated – reinforced by news from elsewhere, especially Belfast – culminating with the shooting dead by the British army of two unarmed civilians, Seamus Cusack and Desmond Beattie, in July of 1971, and with internment in August. Micky, by this time seventeen years of age, and also politically maturing, had joined the ‘Officials’, also known as the ‘Sticks’.
He became a member of the James Connolly ‘Republican Club’ and then, shortly after internment, a member of the Derry Brigade of the ‘Official IRA’.
‘Free Derry’ had become known by that name after the successful defence of the Bog side in August 1969, but it really became ‘Free Derry’, in the form of concrete barricades etc., from internment day. Micky was amongst those armed volunteers who manned the barricades
Typical of his selfless nature (another common characteristic of the hunger strikers), no task was too small for him.
He was ‘game’ to do any job, such as tidying up the office. Young men, naturally enough, wanted to stand out on the barricades with rifles: he did that too, but nothing was too menial for him, and he was always looking for jobs.
Bloody Sunday, January 30th, 1972, when British Paratroopers shot dead thirteen unarmed civil rights demonstrators in Derry (a fourteenth died later from wounds received), was a turning point for Micky. From then there was no turning back on his republican commitment and he gradually lost interest in his work, and he was to become a full-time political and military activist.
Micky experienced the trauma of Bloody Sunday at first hand. He was on that fateful march with his brother-in-law, Frank, who recalls: “When the shooting started we ran, like everybody else, and when it was over we saw all the bodies being lifted.”
The slaughter confirmed to Micky that it was more than time to start shooting back. “How” he would ask, “can you sit back and watch while your own Derry men are shot down like dogs?”
Micky had written: “I will never forget standing in the Creggan chapel staring at the brown wooden boxes. We mourned, and Ireland mourned with us.
“That sight more than anything convinced me that there will never be peace in Ireland while Britain remains. When I looked at those coffins I developed a commitment to the republican cause that I have never lost.”
From around this time, until May when the ‘Official IRA’ leadership declared a unilateral ceasefire (unpopular with their Derry Volunteers), Micky was involved not only in defensive operations but in various gun attacks against British troops.
Micky’s commitment and courage had shone through, but no more so than in the case of scores of other Derry youths, flung into adulthood and warfare by a British army of occupation.
In September, 1972, came the second tragic loss in Micky’s family life. He came home one day to find his mother dead on the settee with his granny unsuccessfully trying to revive her.
His mother had died of a brain tumour, totally unexpectedly, at the age of forty-five. Doctors said it had taken her just three minutes to die. Micky, then aged eighteen, suffered a tremendous shock from this blow, and it took him many months to come to terms with his grief.
Through 1973, Micky remained connected with the ‘Sticks’, although increasingly disillusioned by their openly reformist path. He came to refer to the ‘Sticks’ as “fireside republicans”, and was highly critical of them for not being active enough.
Towards the end of that year, Micky, then aged nineteen, got married. His wife, Margaret, was only seventeen. They lived in Ranmore Drive in Creggan and had two children: Michael, now aged seven and Louise, now aged five.
Micky and his wife had since separated.
In late 1974, virtually all the ‘Sticks’ in Derry, including Micky, joined the newly formed IRSP, as did some who had dropped out over the years. And Micky necessarily became a founder member of the PLA (People’s Liberation Army), formed to defend the IRSP from murderous attacks by their former comrades in the sticks.
In early 1975, Micky became a founder member of the INLA (Irish National Liberation Army) formed for offensive operational purposes out of the PLA.
The months ahead were bad times for the IRSP, relatively isolated, and to suffer a strength-sapping split when Bernadette McAliskey left, taking with her a number of activists who formed the ISP (Independent Socialist Party), since deceased.
They were also difficult months for the fledgling INLA, suffering from a crippling lack of weaponry and funds. Weakness which led them into raids for both as their primary actions, and rendered them almost unable to operate against the Brits.
Micky was eventually arrested on the Creggan. In the evening of September 20th, 1976, after an arms raid earlier that day on a private weaponry, in Lifford, County Donegal, from which the INLA commandeered several rifles and shotguns, and three thousand rounds of ammunition.
Micky was arrested with Desmond Walmsley from Shantallow, and John Cassidy from Rosemount. Along on the operation, though never convicted for it, was the late Patsy O’Hara, with whom Micky used to knock around as a friend and comrade.
Micky was held and interrogated for three days in Derry’s Stand Road barracks, before being transported in Crumlin Road jail in Belfast where he spent nine months on remand.
He was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment on June 20th, 1977, and immediately embarked on the blanket protest. He was in H5-Block until March of this year when the hunger strike began and when the ‘no-wash, no slop-out’ protest ended, whereupon he was moved with others in his wing to H6-Block.
Like others incarcerated within the H-Blocks, suffering daily abuse and inhuman and degrading treatment, Micky realised – soon after he joined the blanket protest – that eventually it would come to a hunger strike, and, for him, the sooner the better. He was determined that when that ultimate step was reached he would be among those to hunger strike.
On Sunday, June 21st, this year, he completed his fourth year on the blanket, and the following day he joined Joe McDonnell, Kieran Doherty, Kevin Lynch, Martin Hurson, Thomas McElwee and Paddy Quinn on hunger strike.
He became the seventh man in a weekly build-up from a four-strong hunger strike team to eight-strong. He was moved to the prison hospital on Wednesday, July 15th, his twenty fourth day on hunger strike.
With the 50 % remission available to conforming prisoners, Micky would have been due out of jail next September.
As it was, because of his principled republican rejection of the criminal tag he chose to fight and face death.
Micky died at 7.50 am on Thursday, August 201h, as nationalist voters in Fermanagh/South Tyrone were beginning to make their way to the polling booths to elect Owen Carron, a member of parliament for the constituency, in a demonstration – for the second time in less than five months – of their support for the prisoners’ demands.
Posted by Jim on August 19, 2016
Belfast Republican Dee Fennell , will discuss how an Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association leaflet criticizing the PSNI Constabulary has generated a public challenge for Republican community debate with Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams.
Newly elected Ancient Order of Hibernian National Director Dan Dennehy will discuss the AOH’s new initiatives on Irish immigration, including special issues relating to former Republican prisoners, and the importance of the appointment of an Immigration Senator in the Irish Senate.
Go to RADIO FREE EIREANN’S new web site, RFE123.ORG where you can read written transcripts of last weeks headline making interviews with Tyrone Republican Gerry McGeough and Richard O’Rawe’s discussion of the movie on Bobby Sands.
Posted by Jim on
Gareth McKeown. Irish News (Belfast). Friday, August, 19, 2016
THE critically acclaimed documentary Bobby Sands 66 Days has become one of the widest released documentaries in Irish cinema history and will open at a further 16 theatres today.
The film, based on the life of IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands, pictured, is heading into its third week of release and is now playing at 41 cinemas across Ireland.
In the north further screenings have been added for the controversial documentary in Omagh, Downpatrick, Armagh and Craigavon.
Since its release 66 Days has proven hugely popular with cinema goers recording the Republic’s highest opening weekend returns for an Irish-made documentary.
In the north it came fifth in the box office chart for opening weekend, with more cinema-goers seeing the documentary than viewing Star Trek and Ghostbusters.
Written and directed by Ardoyne-born director Brendan Byrne the documentary is based around extracts from the late republican’s prison diaries as read by west Belfast actor Martin McCann.
The 27-year-old IRA man died after 66 days on hunger strike in the Maze prison in May 1981.
East Derry’s Sinn Féin MLA Caoimhe Archibald has welcomed the additional Irish screenings of the “important” documentary.
Since its release 66 Days has attracted criticism in some unionist quarters after receiving tens of thousands of pounds in public funding from the BBC and Northern Ireland Screen.
Tom Elliott, the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, the constituency where Sands was elected just month before his death, labelled the decision to screen the film in Enniskillen as “divisive”.
Posted by Jim on August 18, 2016
The AOH is not forgetting the LA flood victims. Please do what you can.
For those who would like to help the flood victims of Louisiana, the Archdiocese of New Orleans is asking that people who want to make a monetary contribution to do so through Catholic Charities. They can be reached at 504-523-3755.
For any Hibernians or others who wish to put together a trailer or truck with supplies, we encourage you to contact Catholic Charities as well.
Here are the items that are most needed:
1. BOTTLED WATER (SINGLE SERVE, JUGS, CAMELS OR THE LARGE DISPENSER CONTAINERS)
2. BABY FOOD AND POWDERED MILK, NONPERISHABLE FOOD ITEMS (CANS WITH PULL TOP LIDS)
3. DISPOSABLE DIAPERS (KIDS AND ADULTS)
4. RUBBER BOOTS (ALL SIZES – EVEN KIDS) AND DISPOSABLE RAIN PONCHOS
5. GLOVES (ALL TYPES) AND DUST/SURGICAL MASKS BY THE BOX
6. HANDSANITIZER AND LIQUID SOAP; WET WIPES (THE BIG CONTAINERS)
7. PET FOOD, KITTY LITTER AND PET CRATES (ALL SIZES)
8. FIRST AID KITS (TO PREVENT INFECTION DURING CLEAN UP)
9. BOX FANS TO ASSIST WITH DRYING ITEMS
10. MOPS, LARGE PLASTIC PUSH BROOMS, BUCKETS, BLEACH AND DAWN DISH SOAP (THE BIGGER THE BOTTLES THE BETTER) DAWN IS THE BEST CLEANING ITEM FOR REMOVING MOLD AND MILDEW.
11. SPONGES, PAPER TOWELS AND RAGS
12. TRASH BAGS AND BOXES; LARGE TRASH CANS
13. UTILITY KNIVES WITH EXTRA BLADES FOR CUTTING SHEETROCK OUT OF THE AFFECTED HOUSES AND BUSINESSES
14. DAMP RID (ALL CONTAINER SIZES)
15. BATTERIES (ALL SIZES)
16. SHEETS AND TOWELS
17. TOYS FOR CHILDREN
Eleven years ago, many Hibernians throughout the nation gave generously to help those of us like myself in New Orleans who had been ravaged by the floods following Katrina. Our divisions down here are coming together to help our fellow brothers and sisters., and we welcome whatever assistance you all can render.
With faith in the foundations of our Motto, I remain,
John D. Fitzmorris III
President – Orleans Parish Division 1 (Archbishop Philip M. Hannan Division)
National Catholic Action Chair
Posted by Jim on
Michael Collins (Irish: Mícheál Ó Coileáin; 16 October 1890 – 22 August 1922) was a soldier and politician who was a leading figure in the struggle for Irish independence in the early 20th century. Collins was an Irish revolutionary leader, politician, Minister for Finance, Director of Information, and Teachta Dála (TD) for Cork South in the First Dáil of 1919, Adjutant General, Director of Intelligence, and Director of Organisation and Arms Procurement for the IRA, President of the Irish Republican Brotherhood from November 1920 until his death, and member of the Irish delegation during the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations. Subsequently, he was both Chairman of the Provisional Government and Commander-in-chief of the National Army. Collins was shot and killed in an ambush in August 1922 during the Irish Civil War.
Born in Sam’s Cross, near Clonakilty, County Cork, Collins was the third son and youngest of eight children. Most biographies give his date of birth as 16 October 1890, but his tombstone cites 12 October 1890. Referred to in a British secret service report as “brainy”, the Collins family were part of an ancient clan, widely spread over County Cork. They had republican connections that can be traced back to the 1798 rebellion.
Collins’ father, Michael John (1816–1896), was a farmer by profession. A mathematician in his spare time, he had been a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) movement. The elder Collins was 60 years old when he married Mary Anne O’Brien, then 23, in 1876. The marriage was apparently happy. They brought up eight children on a 90-acre (36 ha) farm called Woodfield, which the Collins had held as tenants for several generations.
On his death bed, his father (who was the seventh son of a seventh son) predicted that his daughter Helena (one of Michael’s elder sisters) would become a nun. She later did, known as Sister Mary Celestine, based in Whitby. He then turned to the family and told them to take care of Michael, because “One day he’ll be a great man. He’ll do great work for Ireland.” Michael was six years old when his father died.
Collins was a bright and precocious child with a fiery temper and a passionate feeling of Irish nationalism. He named a local blacksmith, James Santry, and his headmaster at Lisavaird National School, Denis Lyons, as the first nationalists to personally inspire his “pride of Irishness.” Lyons was a member of the IRB, while Santry’s family had participated in, and forged arms for, the rebellions of 1798, 1848 and 1867.
There are a number of anecdotal explanations for the origin of his nickname, “The Big Fellow”. The most authoritative comes from his family, stating that he was so called by them while still a child. It had been a term of endearment for their youngest brother, who was always keen to take on tasks beyond his years. It was certainly already established by his teens, long before he emerged as a political or military leader.
At the age of thirteen he boarded at Clonakilty National School. During the week he stayed with his sister Margaret Collins-O’Driscoll and her husband Patrick O’Driscoll, while at weekends he returned to the family farm. Patrick O’Driscoll founded the newspaper The West Cork People and Collins helped out with general reporting jobs and preparing the issues of the newspaper.
After leaving school at fifteen, Collins took the British Civil Service examination in Cork in February 1906, and was then employed by the Royal Mail. In 1906, he moved to the home of his elder sister Hannie (Johanna) in London where he became a messenger at a London firm of stockbrokers, Horne and Company. While living in London he studied law at King’s College London. He joined the London GAA and, through this, the IRB. Sam Maguire, a republican from Dunmanway, County Cork, introduced the 19-year-old Collins to the IRB. In 1915 he moved to the Guaranty Trust Company of New York where he remained until his return to Ireland the following year joining part-time Craig Gardiner & Co, a firm of accountants in Dawson Street, Dublin.
The struggle for Home Rule, along with labour unrest, had led to the formation in 1913 of two major nationalist paramilitary groups who would launch the Easter Rising: the Irish Citizen Army was established by James Connolly and the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), to protect strikers from the Dublin Metropolitan Police during the 1913 Dublin Lockout. The Irish Volunteers were created in the same year by the IRB and other nationalists in response to the formation of the Ulster Volunteers (UVF), an Ulster loyalist body pledged to oppose Home Rule by force.
An organiser of considerable intelligence, Collins had become highly respected in the IRB. This led to his appointment as financial advisor to Count Plunkett, father of one of the Easter Rising‘s organisers, Joseph Mary Plunkett. Collins took part in preparing arms and drilling troops for the insurrection.
The Rising would be Collins’ first appearance in national events. When it commenced on Easter Monday 1916, Collins served as Plunkett’s aide-de-camp at the rebellion’s headquarters in the General Post Office (GPO) in Dublin. There he fought alongside Patrick Pearse, James Connolly, and other members of the Rising leadership. The Rising is generally acknowledged to have been a military disaster, yet the insurgents achieved their goal of holding their positions for the minimum time required to justify a claim to independence under international criteria.
Arrested along with thousands of other participants, Collins was subsequently imprisoned at Frongoch internment camp in Wales.
Collins first began to emerge as a major figure in the vacuum created by the executions of the 1916 leadership. He began hatching plans for “next time” even before the prison ships left Dublin.
At Frongoch he was one of the organisers of a program of protest and non-cooperation with authorities, similar to that later carried on by IRA internees of the 1980s. The camp proved an excellent opportunity for networking with physical-force republicans from all over the country, of which he became a key organiser.
While some celebrated the fact that a rising had happened at all, believing in Pearse’s theory of “blood sacrifice” (namely that the deaths of the Rising’s leaders would inspire others), Collins railed against the military blunders made, such as the seizure of indefensible and very vulnerable positions like St Stephen’s Green, which were impossible to escape from and difficult to supply. Public outcry placed pressure on the British government to end the internment. In December 1916, the Frongoch prisoners were sent home.
Before his death, Tom Clarke, first signatory of the 1916 Proclamation and widely considered the Rising’s foremost organiser, had designated his wife Kathleen (Daly) Clarke as the official caretaker of Rising official business, in the event that the leadership did not survive. By June 1916, Mrs. Clarke had sent out the first post-Rising communiqué to the IRB, declaring the Rising to be only the beginning and directing nationalists to prepare for “the next blow.” Soon after his release Mrs Clarke appointed Collins Secretary to the National Aid and Volunteers Dependents Fund (NAVDF) and subsequently passed on to him the secret organisational information and contacts which she had held in trust for the independence movement.
Collins became one of the leading figures in the post-Rising independence movement spearheaded by Arthur Griffith, editor/publisher of the main nationalist newspaper The United Irishman, (which Collins had read avidly as a boy.)  Griffith’s organisation Sinn Féin had been founded in 1905 as an umbrella group to unify all the various factions within the nationalist movement.
Under Griffith’s policy, Collins and other advocates of the “physical-force” approach to independence gained the cooperation of non-violent Sinn Féin, while agreeing to disagree with Griffith’s moderate ideas of a dual monarchy solution based on the Hungarian model. The British government and mainstream Irish media had wrongly blamed Sinn Féin for the Rising. This attracted Rising participants to join the organisation in order to exploit the reputation with which such British propaganda had imbued the organisation. By October 1917 Collins had risen to become a member of the executive of Sinn Féin and director of organisation for the Irish Volunteers. Éamon de Valera, another veteran of 1916, stood for the presidency of Sinn Féin against Griffith, who stepped aside and supported de Valera’s presidency.
In the 1918 general election Sinn Féin swept the polls throughout much of Ireland, with many seats uncontested, and formed an overwhelming parliamentary majority in Ireland. Like many senior Sinn Féin representatives Collins was elected as an MP (for Cork South) with the right to sit in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom in London. Unlike their rivals in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), Sinn Féin MPs had announced that they would not take their seats in Westminster but instead would set up an Irish Parliament in Dublin.
Before the new body’s first meeting, Collins, tipped off by his network of spies, warned his colleagues of plans to arrest all its members in overnight raids. De Valera and others ignored the warnings on the argument that, if the arrests happened, they would constitute a propaganda coup. The intelligence proved accurate and de Valera, along with Sinn Féin MPs who followed his advice, were arrested; Collins and others evaded incarceration.
The new parliament, called Dáil Éireann (meaning “Assembly of Ireland”, see First Dáil) met in the Mansion House, Dublin in January 1919. In de Valera’s absence, Cathal Brugha was elected Príomh Aire (‘First’ or ‘Prime’ Minister but often translated as ‘President of Dáil Éireann’). The following April, Collins engineered de Valera’s escape from Lincoln Prison in England, after which Brugha was replaced by de Valera.
No state gave diplomatic recognition to the 1919 Republic, despite sustained lobbying in Washington by de Valera and prominent Irish-Americans and at the Paris peace conference. In January 1919 the Dáil ratified the Irish Republican Army‘s (IRA) claim to be the army of the Irish Republic. The IRA had begun a military campaign coincidentally on the same day as the Dáil’s first sitting with the Soloheadbeg Ambush, and the IRA’s respect for the Dáil’s authority was highly conditional. (The Irish Volunteers began to be referred to as the IRA since their internment at Frongach. Up until the Civil War, the two terms were used interchangeably.)
In 1919 the already busy Collins received yet another responsibility when de Valera appointed him to the Aireacht (ministry) as Minister for Finance. Most of the ministries existed only on paper or as one or two people working in a room of a private house, given the circumstances of a brutal war in which ministers were liable to be arrested or killed by the Royal Irish Constabulary, British Army, Black and Tans or the Auxiliaries at a moment’s notice.
Despite that, Collins managed to produce a Finance Ministry that was able to organise a large bond issue in the form of a “National Loan” to fund the new Irish Republic. According to Batt O’Connor, the Dáil Loan raised almost £400,000, of which £25,000 was in gold. The loan, which was declared illegal by the British, was lodged in the individual bank accounts of the trustees. The gold was kept under the floor of O’Connor’s house until 1922. The Russian Republic, in the midst of its own civil war, ordered Ludwig Martens the head of the Soviet Bureau in New York City to acquire a “national loan” from the Irish Republic through Harry Boland, offering some jewels as collateral. The jewels remained in a Dublin safe, forgotten by all sides, until the 1930s, when they were found by chance.
The Irish War of Independence in effect began on the day that the First Dáil convened, 21 January 1919. On that date, an ambush party of IRA volunteers from the 3rd Tipperary Brigade including Séamus Robinson, Dan Breen, Seán Treacy and Seán Hogan, attacked a pair of Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) men who were escorting a consignment of gelignite to a quarry in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary. The two policemen were shot dead during the engagement. This ambush is considered the first action in the Irish War of Independence. The engagement had no advance authorisation from the nascent government. However, Collins in Dáil discussion of the incident implicitly accepted responsibility on behalf of the IRB. The legislature’s support for the armed struggle soon after became official.
From that time Collins filled a number of roles in addition to his legislative duties. That summer he was elected president of the IRB (and therefore, in the doctrine of that organisation, de jure President of the Irish Republic). In September, he was made Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army which now had a mandate to pursue an armed campaign, as the official military of the Irish nation. With Cathal Brugha as Minister of Defense, Collins became Director of Organisation and Adjutant General of the Volunteers.
Collins had spent much of this period helping to organise the volunteers as an effective military force, concentrating particularly on driving the RIC out of isolated barracks and seizing their weapons. In the early 20th century this permanently armed police force was, in effect, the principal representation of the British state in large parts of rural Munster and Connaught and with their withdrawal, republicans felt able to establish their own institutions. In turn, though, the retreat of the RIC drove the British towards more radical and violent responses: simultaneously alienating already weak support for British rule in the populace but also increasing the military pressure on the volunteers.
Collins was determined to avoid the massive destruction, military and civilian losses for merely symbolic victories that had characterised the 1916 Rising. Instead he directed a guerrilla war against the British, suddenly attacking then just as quickly withdrawing, minimising losses and maximising effectiveness.
As the war began in earnest, de Valera travelled to the United States for an extended speaking tour to raise funds for the outlawed Republican government. It was in publicity for this tour that de Valera (who had been elected Príomh Aire by the Dáil) was first referred to as “President”. While financially successful, grave political conflicts followed in de Valera’s wake there which threatened the unity of Irish-American support for the rebels. Some members of the IRB also objected to the use of the presidential title because their organisation’s constitution had a different definition of that title.
Back in Ireland, Collins arranged the “National Loan”, organised the IRA, effectively led the government, and managed arms-smuggling operations. Local guerrilla units received supplies, training and had largely a free hand to develop the war in their own region. These were the “flying columns” who comprised the bulk of the War of Independence rank and file in the south-west. Collins, Dick McKee and regional commanders such as Dan Breen and Tom Barry oversaw tactics and general strategy. There were also regional organisers, such as Ernie O’Malley and Liam Mellows, who reported directly to Collins at St Ita’s secret basement GHQ in central Dublin. They were supported by a vast intelligence network of men and women in all walks of life that reached deep into the British administration in Ireland.
It was at this time that Collins created a special assassination unit called The Squad expressly to kill British agents and informers. Collins was criticised for these tactics but cited the universal war-time practice of executing enemy spies who were, in his words, “hunting victims for execution.” Campaigning for Irish independence, even non-violently, was still targeted both by prosecutions under British law entailing the death penalty and also by extrajudicial killings such as that of Tomas MacCurtain, nationalist mayor of Cork City.
In 1920 the British offered a bounty of £10,000 (equivalent to GB£300,000 / €360,000 in 2010) for information leading to Collins’ capture or death. He and the national forces continued to evade capture and carried out strikes against British forces, frequently operating out of safe-houses in the vicinity of government buildings, such as Vaughan’s and An Stad.
The Crown responded with escalation of the war, with the importation of special forces such as the “Auxiliaries“, the “Black and Tans“, the “Cairo Gang“, and others. Officially or unofficially, many of these groups were given a free hand to institute a reign of terror, shooting Irish people indiscriminately, invading homes, looting and burning.
In 1920, following Westminster’s prominent announcements that it had the Irish insurgents on the run, Collins and his Squad killed several British secret service agents in a series of coordinated raids. In retaliation, members of the Royal Irish Constabulary went to Croke Park, where a G.A.A. football match was taking place between Dublin and Tipperary. The police officers opened fire on the crowd and as a result, killed twelve and injured sixty. This event became known as Bloody Sunday. A stampede of panicking British operatives sought the shelter of Dublin Castle next day. About the same time, Tom Barry’s 3rd Cork Brigade took no prisoners in a bitter battle with British forces at Kilmichael. In many regions, the RIC and other crown forces became all but confined to the strongest barracks in the larger towns as rural areas came increasingly under rebel control.
These republican victories would have been impossible without widespread support from the Irish population, which included every level of society and reached deep into the British administration in Ireland. This pattern of guerrilla success against sophisticated imperialist powers would be repeated around the world in the early 20th century.
At the time of the ceasefire in July 1921 a major operation was allegedly in planning to execute every British secret service agent in Dublin, while a major ambush involving eighty officers and men was also planned for Templeglantine, County Limerick.
In 1921 General Macready, commander of British forces in Ireland, reported to his government that the Empire’s only hope of holding Ireland was by martial law, including the suspension of “all normal life.”
Political considerations regarding Westminster’s global foreign policy ruled out this option: Irish-American public opinion was important to US support for British agendas in Asia. Closer to home, Britain’s efforts at a military solution had already spawned a powerful peace movement, demanding an end to the slaughter in Ireland. Prominent voices calling for negotiations included the Labour Party, the London Times and other leading periodicals, members of the House of Lords, English Catholics, and famous authors such as George Bernard Shaw.
Still it was not the British government which initiated negotiations. Individual English activists, including clergy, made private overtures which reached Arthur Griffith. Griffith expressed his welcome for dialogue. The British MP Brigadier General Cockerill sent an open letter to Prime Minister Lloyd George that was printed in the Times, outlining how a peace conference with the Irish should be organised. The Pope made an urgent public appeal for a negotiated end to the violence. Whether or not Lloyd George welcomed such advisors, he could no longer hold out against this tide.
In July, Lloyd George’s government offered a truce. Arrangements were made for a conference between British government and the leaders of the yet-unrecognised Republic.
There remains considerable controversy as to the two sides’ capability to have carried on the conflict much longer. Collins told Hamar Greenwood after signing the Anglo-Irish Treaty: “You had us dead beat. We could not have lasted another three weeks. When we were told of the offer of a truce we were astonished. We thought you must have gone mad”. However he stated on the record that “there will be no compromise and no negotiations with any British Government until Ireland is recognised as an independent republic. The same effort that would get us Dominion Home Rule will get us a republic.” At no time had the Dáil or the IRA asked for a conference or a truce.
However the Dáil as a whole was less uncompromising. It decided to proceed to a peace conference, although it was ascertained in the preliminary stages that a fully independent republic would not be on the table and that the loss of some northeastern counties was a foregone conclusion.
Many of the rebel forces on the ground first heard of the Truce when it was announced in the newspapers and this gave rise to the first fissures in nationalist unity, which were to have serious consequences later on. They felt they had not been included in consultations regarding its terms.
De Valera was widely acknowledged as the most skillful negotiator on the Dáil government side and he participated in the initial parlays, agreeing the basis on which talks could begin. The first meetings were held in strict secrecy soon after the Customs House battle, with Andrew Cope representing Dublin Castle’s British authorities. Later, de Valera travelled to London for the first official contact with Lloyd George. The two met one-on-one in a private meeting, the proceedings of which have never been revealed.
During this Truce period, de Valera sued for official designation as President of the Irish Republic and obtained it from the Dáil in August 1921. Not long after, the Cabinet was obliged to select the delegation that would travel to the London peace conference and negotiate a treaty. In an extraordinary departure from his usual role, de Valera adamantly declined to attend, insisting instead that Collins should take his place there, along with Arthur Griffith.
Collins strenuously resisted this appointment, protesting that he was “a soldier, not a politician” and that his exposure to the London authorities would reduce his effectiveness as a guerrilla leader should hostilities resume. (He had kept his public visibility to a minimum during the conduct of the war; up to this time the British still had very few reliable photographs of him.)
The Cabinet of seven split on the issue, with de Valera casting the deciding vote. Many of Collins’s associates warned him not to go, that he was being set up as a political scapegoat. Following intense soul-searching and all-night consultations with his most trusted advisors, he resolved to attend “in the spirit of a soldier obeying orders.” In private correspondence he foresaw the catastrophe ahead: “Let them make a scapegoat or whatever they like of me. Someone must go.”
The Irish delegates to London were, upon de Valera’s insistence, designated as “plenipotentiaries”, meaning that they had full authority to sign an agreement on behalf of the Dáil government. The Treaty would then be subject to approval by a vote of the full Dáil.
The majority of the Irish Treaty delegates, including Arthur Griffith (leader), Robert Barton and Eamonn Duggan (with Robert Erskine Childers as Secretary General to the delegation) set up headquarters at 22 Hans Place in Knightsbridge on 11 October 1921 and resided there until conclusion of the negotiations in December. Collins shared quarters at 15 Cadogan Gardens with the delegation’s publicity department, secretary Diarmuid O’Hegarty, Joseph McGrath as well as substantial intelligence and bodyguard personnel including Liam Tobin, Tom Cullen, Ned Broy, Emmet Dalton and Joseph Dolan of The Squad.
The British side was represented by PM Lloyd George, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill and F. E. Smith, among others. Two months of arduous wrangling ensued. The Irish delegation made frequent crossings back to Dublin to make progress reports and confer with their Dáil colleagues. However, Collins in his correspondence and subsequent Dáil debates expressed the delegates’ frustration at being unable to obtain clear instructions as to whether or not they should accept the terms on offer and sign the Treaty.
In November, with the London peace talks still in progress, Collins attended a large meeting of regional IRA commanders at Parnell Place in Dublin. In a private conference he informed Liam Deasy, Florence O’Donoghue and Liam Lynch that “there would have to be some compromise in the current negotiations in London. There was no question of our getting all the demands we were making.” He was advised by Lynch not to bring this out in the full assembly. Reviewing subsequent events, Deasy later doubted the wisdom of that advice.
The negotiations ultimately resulted in the Anglo-Irish Treaty which was signed on 6 December 1921. The agreement provided for a Dominion status “Irish Free State“, whose relationship to the British Commonwealth would be modelled after Canada’s. This was a compromise, half-way between an independent republic and a province of the Empire.
The settlement essentially vacated the Treaty of Limerick of 1688 and overturned the Act of Union by recognising the native Irish legislature’s independence. Under a bicameral parliament, executive authority would remain vested in the king but exercised by an Irish government elected by Dáil Éireann as a “lower house“. British forces would depart the Free State forthwith and be replaced by an Irish army. Along with an independent courts system, the Treaty granted a level of internal independence that far exceeded any Home Rule which had been sought by Charles Stewart Parnell or by his Irish Parliamentary Party successors John Redmond and John Dillon.
It was agreed that counties with a large unionist population, concentrated in a relatively small area in eastern Ulster, would have a chance to opt out of the Free State and remain under the Crown. An Irish Boundary Commission was to be established to draw a border (which ultimately came to encompass a six-county region.) Inclusion in the Free State was to be subject to a vote of the majority population in each county. Collins anticipated no more than four counties would join the northeastern statelet, making it economically un-viable, and that this would facilitate the reunification of all 32 counties in the foreseeable future.
While it fell short of the republic that he’d fought to create, Collins concluded that the Treaty offered Ireland “the freedom to achieve freedom.” It essentially offered a chance to remove the gun from Irish politics and to seek further independence through a native government and legislature. Nonetheless, he knew that elements of the Treaty would cause controversy in Ireland. Upon signing the treaty, Birkenhead remarked “I may have signed my political death warrant tonight”. Collins replied “I may have signed my actual death warrant”.
This remark encapsulated his acknowledgement that the Treaty was a compromise that would be vulnerable to charges of “sell-out” from purist Republicans. It did not establish the fully independent republic that Collins himself had shortly before demanded as a non-negotiable condition. The “physical force republicans” who made up the bulk of the army which had fought the British to a draw would be loath to accept dominion status within the British Empire or an Oath of Allegiance that mentioned the King. Also controversial was the British retention of Treaty Ports on the south coast of Ireland for the Royal Navy. These factors diminished Irish sovereignty and threatened to allow British interference in Ireland’s foreign policy.
Collins and Griffith were well aware of these issues and strove tenaciously, against British resistance, to achieve language which could be accepted by all constituents. They succeeded in obtaining an oath to the Irish Free State, with a subsidiary oath of fidelity to the King, rather than to the king unilaterally.
It is now generally believed that had the nationalist leadership united in support of the Treaty, there would have been no split in the army such as to precipitate civil war. However immediately on the delegation’s return from London, de Valera led a vocal charge against the delegates, whom he called “traitors”.
This was despite the fact that de Valera, the nationalists’ most able negotiator, who had refused strenuous pleas from Collins, Griffith and others to lead the London negotiations in person, had been fully informed of the process at each stage. He had also refused the delegates’ continual requests for instruction, and in fact had been at the centre of the original decision to enter negotiations without the possibility of an independent republic on the table.
However, there remains a school of thought which considers de Valera’s protests to have been reasonable and motivated by deep moral objections, and which sees Collins in a negative light, as having irresponsibly signed away the nation’s interests due to incompetence or a self-serving agenda. The Treaty controversy split the entire nationalist movement. Sinn Féin, the Dáil, the IRB and the army each divided into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The Supreme Council of the IRB had been informed in detail about every facet of the Treaty negotiations and had approved many of its provisions, and they voted unanimously to accept the Treaty with the single notable exception of Liam Lynch, later COS of the anti-Treaty IRA.
The Dáil debated the Treaty bitterly for ten days until it was approved by a vote of 64 to 57. Having lost this vote, de Valera announced his intent to withdraw his participation from the Dáil and called on all deputies who had voted against the Treaty to follow him. A substantial number did so, officially splitting the government. This set the stage for civil war.
A large part of the Irish Republican Army opposed the Treaty. Some followed the political lead of anti-Treaty TDs, others acted on their own convictions, with more or less equal suspicion of politicians in general. Anti-Treaty IRA units began to seize buildings and take other guerrilla actions against the Provisional Government. On 14 April 1922, a group of 200 anti-Treaty IRA men occupied the Four Courts in Dublin under Rory O’Connor, a hero of the War of Independence. The Four Courts was the centre of the Irish courts system, originally under the British and then the Free State. Collins was charged by his Free State colleagues with putting down these insurgents, however he resisted firing on former comrades and staved off a shooting war throughout this period.
While the country teetered on the edge of civil war, continuous meetings were carried on among the various factions from January to June 1922. In these discussions the nationalists strove to resolve the issue without armed conflict. Collins and his close associate, TD Harry Boland were among those who worked desperately to heal the rift.
To foster military unity, Collins and the IRB established an “army re-unification committee”, including delegates from pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The still-secret Irish Republican Brotherhood continued to meet, fostering dialogue between pro- and anti-Treaty IRA officers. In the IRB’s stormy debates on the subject, Collins held out the Constitution of the new Free State as a possible solution. Collins was then in the process of co-writing that document and was striving to make it a republican constitution that included provisions that would allow anti-Treaty TDs to take their seats in good conscience, without any oath concerning the Crown.
After the Treaty was signed, loyalist conservatives combined to wage a violent campaign against Irish nationalist insurgency in the northeastern counties comprising Northern Ireland. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was created at this time, along with the notorious “Specials”: a force of amateur and retired soldiers, who some have claimed were given a free hand to terrorise and kill Catholics.
In Northern Ireland there were continual breaches of the Truce by “unauthorised loyalist paramilitary forces”. The predominantly Protestant, Unionists government of Northern Ireland supported policies which discriminated against Catholics in, which, along with violence against Catholics, led many to suggest the presence of an agenda by an Anglo-ascendancy to drive those of indigenous Irish descent out of the northeast counties.
At the same time London was stepping up pressure on the Provisional Government to take aggressive military action against anti-Treaty units in the south.
In March, Collins met Sir James Craig, Prime Minister for Northern Ireland, in London. They signed an agreement declaring peace in the north which promised cooperation between Catholics and Protestants in policing and security, a generous budget for restoring Catholics to homes which had been destroyed, and many other measures.
The day after the agreement was published, violence erupted again. A policeman was shot dead in Belfast and in reprisal, police entered Catholic homes nearby and shot residents in their beds, including children. There was no response to Collins’s demands for an inquiry. He and his Cabinet warned that they would deem the agreement broken unless Craig took action.
In his continual correspondence with Churchill over violence in the north, Collins protested repeatedly that such breaches of the Truce threatened to invalidate the Treaty entirely. The prospect of a renewal of the war with England was imminent. The prospect was real enough that on 3 June 1922 Churchill presented to the Committee of Imperial Defense his plans “to protect Ulster from invasion by the South.” 
Throughout the early months of 1922, Collins had been sending IRA units to the border and sending arms and money to the northern units of the IRA. Collins joined other IRB and IRA leadership in developing secret plans to launch a clandestine guerrilla war in the northeast. Some British arms that had been surrendered to the Provisional government in Dublin were turned over by Collins to IRA units in the north. In May–June 1922 Collins and IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch organised an offensive including both pro- and anti-Treaty IRA units along the border area. Because of this, most northern IRA units supported Collins and 524 individual volunteers came south to join the National Army in the Irish Civil War.
Collins, with the support of Griffith and the Cabinet, kept up a “three-tier strategy of public, political and military pressure” regarding northern outrages. Negotiations with the London and Belfast governments continued, with numerous promises made and broken along the lines of the March 1922 Agreement. Within days of a public commitment by Dublin not to send troops into the northeast, Churchill sent 1000 British troops into a village called Pettigo that straddled the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. The troops shelled the village and fired on Free State troops, killing three. On 5 June a group of B-Specials sprayed the Mater Hospital in Belfast with machine gun fire. Collins’s demands for a full, joint inquiry were flatly refused by Churchill.
In the midst of all this, Civil War in the south broke out and put Collins’s plans for the north on hold. He was killed before he could pursue them any further.
De Valera resigned the presidency and sought re-election but Arthur Griffith replaced him after a close vote on 9 January 1922. Griffith chose as his title “President of Dáil Éireann” (rather than “President of the Republic” as de Valera had favoured.) 
The Dáil Éireann government still had no legal status in British constitutional law. The provisions of the Treaty required the formation of a new government, which would be recognised by Westminster as pertaining to the Free State dominion that had established by the Treaty.
Despite the abdication of a large part of the Dáil, the Provisional Government (Rialtas Sealadach na hÉireann) of the new Free State was formed with Arthur Griffith as President of the Dáil and Michael Collins as Chairman of the Provisional Government Cabinet (effectively Prime Minister). Collins also retained his position as Minister for Finance.
In British legal theory Collins was now a Crown-appointed prime minister of a Commonwealth state, installed under the Royal Prerogative. To be so installed he had to formally meet the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Viscount FitzAlan the head of the British administration in Ireland. The republican view of the same meeting is that Collins met FitzAlan to accept the surrender of Dublin Castle, the official seat of British government in Ireland. Having surrendered, FitzAlan still remained in place as viceroy until December 1922.
The Provisional Government’s first obligation was to create a Constitution for the Free State. This was undertaken by Collins and a team of solicitors. The outcome of their work became the Irish Constitution of 1922. Although revised in the 1930s, the present Constitution of Ireland (Bunreacht na hÉireann ) remains largely Collins’s work.
Collins drew up a republican constitution which, without repudiating the Treaty, would include no mention of the British king. His object was that the Constitution would allow participation in the Dáil by dissenting TDs who opposed the Treaty and refused to take any oath mentioning the Crown.
Under the Treaty, the Free State was obliged to submit its new Constitution to Westminster for approval. Upon doing so, in June 1922, Collins and Griffith found Lloyd George determined to veto the provisions they had fashioned to prevent civil war.
These meetings with Lloyd George and Churchill were bitterly contentious. Collins, although less diplomatic than Griffith or de Valera, had no less penetrating comprehension of political issues. He complained that he was being manipulated into “doing Churchill’s dirty work”, in a potential civil war with his own former troops.
Negotiations to prevent civil war resulted in, among others, “The Army Document” published in May 1922 which was signed by an equal number of pro- and anti-Treaty IRA officers including Collins, Dan Breen, and Gearóid O’Sullivan. This manifesto declared that “a closing of ranks all round is necessary” to prevent “the greatest catastrophe in Irish history.” It called for new elections, to be followed by the re-unification of the government and army, whatever the result.
In this spirit and with the organising efforts of moderates on both sides the Collins-de Valera “Pact” was created. This pact agreed that new elections to the Dáil would be held with each candidate running as explicitly pro- or anti-Treaty and that, re